974.1 W67h V.2 1622210 REYNOLDS HISTORICAL GENEALOGY COLLECTION ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 01083 7133 HISTORY OF THE STATE OF MAINE; FROOI ITS FIRST DISCOVERY, A. D. 1602, TO THE SEPARATION, A. D. 1820, INCLUSIVE. By WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. fSlallotDcU: GLAZIER, MASTERS & CO. 1832. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1 832, by William D. Williamson, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Maine. THIS PRINTING IS A FACSIMILE OF THE 1832 EDITION This edition published by The Cumberland Press, Inc. Freeport, Maine 04032 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 66-22134 Printed in the United States of America By KJ Printing, Augusta, Maine CONTENTS OF VOL. II. A. D. CHAPTER I. Page 9 to 37. 1691. Oct. 7, Provincial Charter of William and Mary granted ; em- bracing Massachusetts, New-Plymouth, Maine and Sagadahock. 1692-3. The first administration. 1694. Feb. Death of Sir William Phips, first Royal Governor. 1696. Nova Scotia conceded by Massachusetts to the British Crown. Distress of Yorkshire. 1697. Sept. 11. Treaty of Ryswick. Nova Scotia resigned to France. 1698. Villebon, the French Governor, claims westward to Kennebeck. 1699. May 26, Lord Bellamont arrives, Provincial Governor. J. Bridges, first surveyor in the King's woods. 1700. Resettlement of Maine promoted. A Committee of Claims. 1701-2. Deaths of Lord Bellamont, Lieut. Gov. Stoughton, James II. and William III. 1702. Joseph Dudley, Provincial Governor. Population in Maine. CHAPTER II. p. 38—79. 1703. Queen Anne's war. The French draw the broken tribes to St. Francois. Several eastern towns attacked by the Indians. 1704. Church's 5th eastern expedition. Colonial sufferers in this war. 1706. The Indians consider the war a burthen. 1707. All the remaining eastern settlements assailed. 1709-10. Expeditions against Port-Royal. Nova Scotia subdued by Col. Nicholson ; — an event important to Maine and Sagadahock. 1711-12. The war. Last skirmish at Wells. 1712. Oct. 27, Hostilities cease. 1713. March 30, Treaty of Utrecht ; and July 11, of Portsmouth. No- va Scotia resigned to England and made a British Province. Castine the younger. CHAPTER III. p. 80— 110. 1713. The administration and prudentials of Maine. Three towns sur- vive the war. Ecclesiastical affairs. Order for the resettle- ment of several towns. 1714. Five towns revived. Paper money floods the country. Samuel Shute commissioned Governor. 1715. A road ordered from Berwick to Pejepscot. Three townships projected in the Pejepscot purchase. Georgetown resettled. 1716. Settlement of Kennebeck attempted. Yorkshire extended to St. Croix. 1717. Treaty with the Indians confirmed at Arrowsick. Timber trees protected. 1718. Armstrong's project to settle Sagadahock. 1719. Settlements between Kennebeck and St. Georges revived. Fort Richmond built. The Governor and House differ. 1720. Coram's project to settle Sagadahock. Affairs of Nova Scotia. Rale's character and conduct. Notaries Public. 1721. P. Dudley's case as a Councillor. Mast trees protected. The Indians denounced as rebels. Castine the younger seized. Rale escapes. 1722. North- Yarmouth resettled. CHAPTER IV. p. 111—151. Lovewell's war. The first reprizals and attacks by the Indians. Brunswick burnt. July 25, war proclaimed. Events of the war. Part of Georgetown burnt. 1723. Old town destroyed by Col. Westbrook. Attacks of the Indians. 1724. Col. Moulton's attempt to take Ral^. Successes of the Indians. Norridgewock taken and Raid killed. Lovewell's excursions. 1622210 iv CONTENTS. A. D. 1725. The battle of Pegwacket. The Indian village at Fort Hill de- stroyed. Dummer's treaty, Dec. 15, at Boston. Its ratifica- tion. Sagamores' sentiments, CHAPTER V. p. 152—178. Dummer's administration. Three trading houses established. 1727. A mission sent to recover captives. Earthquake. A back tier of towns proposed. 1728. July 13, Governor Burnet arrives. Councillors. His disputes w'ith the House. Death. 1729. Political changes in Sagadahock. David Dunbar, surveyor of the woods, takes possession of that Province ; rebuilds the fort at Pemaquid and surveys lots. 1730. Gov. Belcher's administration commences. Officers in York- shire. Complaints against Dunbar. He is appointed Lt. Gov. of New-Hampshire, 1732-3. His removal effected. CHAPTER VI. p. 179—193. 1733. Terms on which new townships were granted. Grants made. 1734. Paper money overflows the country. Salary question put to rest. 1735. Falmouth made half-shire with York. County officers. A new valuation finished. Census. Throat-distemper rages. 1736. Trade extended. Right to the woods discussed. Natives com- plain of encroachments by Mr. Waldo. Dormant claims revived. 1737. Great dearth of provisions. CHAPTER VII. p. 194—214. 1737-8. Dispute with New-Hampshire as to dividing lines, referred, dis- cussed, settled. 1739. William Pepperell and Samuel Waldo command the two York- shire regiments. 1740. News of the Spanish war received. Specie scarce. Land-bank formed — dissolved. 1741. Governor Belcher removed from office ; and appointment of Governor Shirley. George VVhitefield. New tenor bills issued. First instance of impressment. 1742. Ship-building, trade and fisheries flourish. Settlements promoted. New valuation. 1743. Fears ®f war and measures of defence. CHAPTER VIII. p. 215—233. 1744. The Spanish war. The French join against' England. War de- clared against the Indians, from Passamaquoddy eastward. Eight eastern scouts. Defensible men in Maine, 2,855. Lou- isbourg described. Expedition against it. 1745. The officers, the fleet, and the army. Assistance of a British squadron. The siege. Ijouisbourg capitulates. Its great strength. Expenses of the expedition repaid by Great Britain. CHAPTER IX. p. 234—259. Fifth Indian war. A defensive force of 450 men raised. Depre- dations by the savages. 1746. A French fleet of 70 sail, under Duke d'Anville, arrives at Hali- fax. Its disasters, A force of 470 men from this Province capitulates at Minas. 1747. A naval victory achieved by two English Admirals, Anson and Warren. Defence of the eastern people provided. News of peace arrives. 1748. Oct. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelie. In this war, the Province lost 3,000 effective men. 1749. Treaty with the eastern tribes at Falmouth. CHAPTER X. p. 260—273. 1749-60. Claim of the French westward to Kennebeck. Governor Shir- ley goes a Commissioner to Paris, on the subject of boundaries, Monej' due received from England, aod the paper money all CONTENTS. V redeemed. The French Neutrals join the troops from Canada at the Isthmus of Nova Scotia. Halifax settled. 1750. Cornwallis attacks the French helow the Isthmus. The homi- cide of Albee and accomplices, at VViscasset. The Indians from the north, commit mischief. 1751. August, Treaty with tlte Natives confirmed. CHAPTER XI. p. 274—303. 1750-2. The people — conspicuous for their merits, and tolerant in their sentiments. The ministry of the g-ospel is able and pious. The British American system enforced, by acts of Parliament. Settlement of the eastern country encourag-ed. 1752. New valuation. New Style adopted. Petition for a new County. 1753. The Indians disturbed by encroachments, and by fires in the woods. Obstacles to settlement were the fears of savag-e hos- tilities and the question as to land-titles. Vassal's project. Governor Shirley's return. The claims of the Eng-lish and French to the eastern country specified. French line of north- ern forts, and aggressions, 1754. Defensive measures enlarged. General Union of the colonies projected. Fort Halifax at Kennebeck erected. Measures of defence. War inevitable. CHAPTER XII. p. 304— 345 French war and 6th Indian war. The French forts built. The eastern fortifications. 1755. Four expeditions against the French, — three being unsuccessful. The French driven from Nova Scotia, and the French Neu- trals removed. War declared against all the eastern tribes, except the Tarratines. The people jealous. Cargill's affair War upon the Tarratines. An Earthquake. 1756. Four expeditions against the French. Public burthens great. War declared against France. Governor Shiriey leaves the Province. The Indians attack the eastern towns and settle- ments. The expeditions all unsuccessful. 1757. The Indian war. Governor Pownal arrives. William Pitt put at the head of the British ministry. 1758. Three expeditions — all crowned with success — Louisbourg and other places taken. The last efforts of the Indians against the English, at St. Georges. 1759. A general attack upon the French. General Wolfe proceeds against Quebec. A fortress built at Penobscot, and named Fort Pownal. Death of General Waldo. Sept. 13, Quebec capitulates. Major Rogers destroys the Indian village of St. Francois. Death of Generals Pepperell and Waldo. 1760. Peace with the eastern tribes. Canada finally conquered. CHAPTER XIII. p. 346— 36S. Limits of the, Eastern Patents and great Tracts reviewed. Gov. Pownal leares the Province. Members of the Council for the last 30 years. Cumberland and Lincoln Counties established. Francis Bernard arrives. Provincial Governor. George III. 1761. New valuation completed. Political parties noticed. Disputes between the Governor and House. York bridge erected. 1762. Twelve townships granted at Union river. Line between Maine and Nova Scotia, considered. Drought, fires and scarcity. Three new towns established. 1763. Feb. 10, Treaty of Paris, — Canada, resigned to Great Britain. Quebec Province established. CHAPTER XIV. pr 369— 407. 1763. Measures to raise a revenue in America. 1764. Governor's view of the eastern tribes. Census of Maine. 1765. Jan. 10, Stamp-act passed. The first Continental Congress, 1766. Stamp-act repealed. Crown lands and timber, considered. 1767. A Hurricane. Parliament lay duties on tea, glass, paper, &c. and regulate salaries. vi CONTENTS. A. D. 1768. Colonial circulars offend the British ministry. A Provincial Convention. British troops stationed in Boston. 1769. Gov. Bernard leaves the Province. Duties repealed, except on teas. 1770. Boston Massacre. Public lands and mechanical arts, ingreat repute. 1771. Thomas Hutchinson commissioned Governor. He opposes the settlements in Sag-adahock. They increase on the Kennebeck. Governor disputes with the House. Judg-es' salaries. 1773. About 300 families leave Waldoborough. Symptoms of revolution noticed. Ministers and lawyers opposed to British taxation. The dispute well understood b}' the parties. 1774. Dec. 16, Teas destroyed in Boston. CHAPTER XV. p. 409—420. 1774. Acts passed by Parliament, to close the port of Boston, alter the charter of Massachusetts, and make other chang-es. Gen. Gag-e appointed Governor. He dissolves the General Court. A Pro- vincial Cong-ress meets. Second Continental Congress convenes. County Conventions. Committees of Safety and Supplies. Af- fairs of Coulson and Mowett. 1775. April 19. Battle of Lexington. Gen. Gage denounced. CHAPTER XVI. p. 421—448. The war of the Revolution commenced. Capt. Mowett seized at Falmouth. First Bills of Continental money issued. George Washington commands the American Army. June 17th, Bunk- er Hill battle. Eastern affairs. Provincial charter resumed. Members of the Assemblies. Massachusetts issues paper-money. Falmouth burnt by Mowett. Arnold's expedition through Kennebeck to Quebec. Repulse. General Post-oflBce estab- lished. New appointment of Civil officers. Militia reorganized. 1776. Defence of Maine. Declaration of Independence. CHAPTER XVII. p. 449—485. The amity of the eastern Indians confirmed. Measures of de- fence. Eddy's retreat to Machias. A Continental Army raised. Firearms arrive from France. Battle ol Trenton. 1777. A garrison established at Machias. The enemy there repulsed. Capture of Gen. Burgoyne's army. 1778. New Constitution rejected. Estates of Absentees confiscated. Paper*money depreciated, 30 to one. Arrival of a French fleet. Maine and Sagadahock formed into a District. 1779. The British seize upon Penobscot and occupy 'Biguyduce. The American fleet and troops sent to remove the enemy — defeated. The losses. Saltonstall cashiered. 1780. Troubles in Maine : — 600 men raised for the eastern service. Gen. Wadsworlh commands the Eastern Department. Arnold's treason. Constitution of the Commonwealth adopted. Mem- bers of the Council for the past 20 years. CHAPTER XVIII. p. 486—605. 1781. Administration under the State-constitution. Gen. Wadsworth carried a prisoner to 'Biguyduce. Maj. Barton made prisoner also. They escape. Defence of the eastern inhabitants. Gen. McCobb succeeds to the command of Gen. Wadsworth. Pub- lic credit low, and public burdens great. First Commissioners of Eastern Lands. October 27, surrender of Cornwallis and his army. 1782. Cessation of hostilities. Judicial and militia systems new modelled, 1783. Sept. 3. Definitive treaty of Paris. The American army dis- banded. Losses. CHAPTER XIX. p. 506—520. 1784. Great and immediate increase of settlements and population in Maine. Committees of Eastern Lands appointed. Lumber and other articles of export. Disputes between the borderers on the river St. Croix. CONTENTS. vii 1785. Body of Statiitc-lav/ revised. Expenses of the Penobscot expe- dition considered. Governor Hancock resig-ns, and J. Bowdoin elected Governor. Demand for eastern lands. Twelve town- ships confirmed. Provision made for quieting- the Islanders. Treaty with the Tarratines. Towns and plantations revived. Great freshet. CHAPTER XX. p. 521—547. 1785-6. Separation of Maine, from Massachusetts, discussed. Falmouth Gazette, first published. Address to the people. Result of measures taken for Separation. Three new towns. Shay's in- surrection. Land lottery instituted. 1787. Hancock re-elected Gov. Economy and industry enccurag-ed. 1788. Federal Constitution adopted. First Representatives to Congress, and Electors. Slavery abolished. A Colleg-e in Maine project- ed. Twenty new towns. 1789. Georg-e Washington, first President of the U. States, inaugurated. CHAPTER XXI. p. 548—557. 1790. Counties of Hancock and Washington established. Maine a Dis- trict. A Census taken. Officers of the District Court. Dis- putes between the eastern borderers and British provincials qui- eted. A law to preserve game. 1791-2. Nine new towns. Objects of eastern enterprize. 1793. Death of Governor Hancock. Two new towns incorporated. CHAPTER XXII. p. 558—586. 1794. Political parties— Federalists and Anti-federalists. The French revolution. The Americans take sides. Mr. Jay's treaty. Samuel Adams elected Governor. Three Representatives to Congress elected. Bowdoin College established. 1794-5. Nineteen new towns incorporated. 3,500,000 acres of eastern lands sold since the peace. 1795. Emigrant Society formed. Metalic coins regulated — eagles, dol- lars and cents, adopted in computation. 1796. A 3d Militia Division formed. Law as to Shell-fish. By a treaty with the Tarratines, 9 townships relinquished by them. Seven new towns. Academies endowed. 1797. Records of Supreme Judicial Court removed from Boston to their respective counties. 1. Sumner elected Governor. Parties. Federalist and Democrat, J. Adams and T. Jefierson, President and Vice-President. French aggression. Five new towns. 1798. The true St. Croix determined. Eight new towns. War meas- ures— Land-tax, sedition law and alien bill. Envoys to France, 1799. Truxton's victory. Kennebeck County established. The Ply- month, Waldo and Pejepscot patents limited. Deaths of Gov. Sumner and Gen. Washington. CHAPTER XXIII. p. 587—604. 1800. The Supreme Judiciary revised. Caleb Strong elected Gov- ernor. Electors of President and Vice-President chosen. Opposition of the Democrats to the measures of the National administration. Treaty negociated with France. The Fed- eral Eagle — a badge. C. Bench of 16 Judges established. T. Jefferson and A. Burr, President and Vice-President. A 2d census. A new valuation. Six new towns. 1801. J. Read and P. Coffin, Land-agents. Sales of the eastern lands considered. The Federalists oppose the new administration. 1802. Repeals of Congressional Acts— Other measures adopted. Me- rino sheep imported. New towns. 1803. Banks increased, and the banking system revised. Law against counterfeiting. 1804-5. Judiciary improved — and a Nisi-prius system adopted. Fisheries. 1805. Oxford County established. The era of incorporations. 1806. Though Governor Strong was re-elected, each legislative branch viii CONTENTS. was democratical. The British insult our flag-. Non-importa- lion Act passed. Berlin and Milan decrees. British impressments. Embargo laid. Twenty-four new towns incorporated. CHAPTER XXIV. p. 605—627. J. Sullivan elected Governor. His administration — County-At- torneys, Courts of Sessions and Jury act. Betterment Law. A 4th militia division. Sullivan's death. Six- teen new towns. C. Gore elected Governor. Somerset County established. Mr. Gore's administration. J. Madison, President of the United States. Erskine's arrangement. Rambouillet Decree. The affair of Chadwick. Vaccination recommended, Maine Bible Society established. E. Gerry elected Governor. The 3d Census. Exports, tonnage, valuation, and fishery. Religious freedom-bill. Measures of Mr. Gerry's administra- tion. Skirmish between the Little Belt and the President. Two new militia divisions established. Mr. Strong re-elected Governor. Tax on banks. Corporeal punishment abolished. Land controversies in Lincoln settled. CHAPTER XXV. p. 628—638. The European belligerents. Embargo, and measures of defence. June 18, war declared against G. Britain. Events of the war. Politics. New towns and Banks. Washington Benevolent Socie- ties. Direct tax imposed. March, all restrictive laws repealed. Factories established. American successes in the war. CHAPTER XXVI. p. 639—657. 1814. The war in Maine. The enemy seize upon Eastport, Castine, and Machias. The government instituted there by the British. Their other measures. Trade at Castine and Hampden. Clos- ing events and incidents of the war. Battle of N. Orleans. Measures of the Hartford Convention. Castine and the eastern coast evacuated by the British, as far eastwardly as Eastport. CHAPTER XXVII. p. 658—679. 1815. Feb. 11, news of peace arrives. Trade and Commerce. The condition of the cod-fishery. Public morals. 1816. New towns. County of Penobscot incorporated. A land office established. J. Brooks elected Governor. Measures resumed to separate Maine from Massachusetts. Brunswick Conven- tion. Parties, Emigration westward. 1817. Cold Seasons. Emigrations partiallv checked. Moose Island decided to belong to Maine. Our northern boundary discussed. 1S18. Treaty with the Tarratines. Probate Code revised. Sea-Serpent. 1819-20. Maine separated from Massachusetts. Its Constitution framed and adopted. It is admitted into tlie Union. Its political ad- ministration. SUPPLEMENTAL.— CHAPTER XXVIII. p. 680—705. 1623 to The periods -of our history. The Militia. Expenditure and 1820. revenue. Taxation. Coins. Education, arts, studies and pro- fessions. The religious denominations and their ecclesiastical polity. Industry, trade and manufactures. The various insti- tutions, established. Domestic life reviewed. APPENDIX. List of Councillors under the Provincial Charter. Page 707. List of Councillors and Senators, under the Constitution. 708. List of Members of Congress from Maine. 709. ■The Rulers and Governors of Maine from its first settlement. 710. ■List of Counties and corporate towns. 712. A. D, 1807. J807. i8oa. 1809. 1810. 1811. 1812. 1812. 1813. 1814. No. 1.— 2. — 3. — 4. — 5. — HISTORY OF MAINE CHAPTER L Provincial Charter — Governor and other Public Officers — Lcgisla- ture — Council— House oj Representatives — Voters — Statute enact- ments— Judicial Courts — Justices of the Peace — Appeals to the Crown — Militia — Ecclesiastical affairs — Education — Land-titles — Rights — Laws—Crimes and PunishmentS'^Witchcraft'^Death of Gov. Phips — NelsoUy Governor of Nova Scotia^ seized by Vil" Icbon, the French Governor — Massachusetts resigns the Govern^ ment of that Province to the Crown of England — Her measures protective of Maine — Restrictive acts of Parliament — Board of Trade and Plantations — Treaty of Ryswick — Nova Scotia re* signed to the French — They and Massachusetts both claim Saga- dahock^-Conduct of Villebon, the French Governor— 'Dispute about the jurisdiction of Sagadahock^I^ord Bellamont succeeds Governor Phips — His Speech — John Bridges, Survey or-^Gnreral of the woods — The eastern towns revived — Rumors of war and measures of defence — Great Island to be fortified — Committee of Claims — Fears of war — Deaths of Lord Bellamont, William Stoughton, James IT. and William III. — Measures of the French ^Governor Dudley succeeds Lord Bellamont — Meets the Indiana at Casco — The conference and its incidents^ The celebrated Charter of William and Mary, dated Octo- a . D. 1692. ber 7th, 1691, was brought hither from England by Sir Wil- ^"^^^(prof LiAM Phips, the first royal Governor, and went into operation ^^^^"^ ^ on the 14th of May, 1692. It embraced the whole territory of ibis State, in two great divisions ; — one, extending from Piscata- qua to Kennebeck, was called the Province of Maine} the other, Maine and including all between Kennebeck and the St. Croix, was usually J;^^^**'"' denominated Sagadahock*^ — As the political connexion between ♦ See Utvol. chap. xxii. A. D. 16»1.-— Though Nora Scotia was embraced; Massachusetts resigned the government of it to the crown, A. D. 1696, about a year before the peace ; and it became a British Province. — The Vol. II. 2 truor. 10 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1692. Massachusetts proper and the present State of Maine continued about 130 years ; it becomes important to give a general outline of the Province government under the new Charter. TheExccii- Its features bore a resemblance to the government of England, ^^^* and its departments were nearly as distinct. The Governor, Lieutenant-Governor and Secretary of State were appointed and commissioned by the crown, — to hold their respective offices dur- ing their sovereign's pleasure. The two first officers primarily took their oaths before each other ; — afterwards, they and the Secretary, also other officers, were severally sworn by two of the Council. The Gov- The Governor was chief magistrate^ and invested with supreme executive authority. He had power to convene, adjourn, and even dissolve the Legislature, and to nominate, and with advice of Council, appoint all judges, sheriffs, justices of the peace, and other civil officers ; — their names being first placed seven days upon a nomination-book. To him and the Council, was given jurisdiction of all probate matters, and the right of drawing by warrant from the Provincial treasury, all appropriated public monies. As Captain- General, he was empowered to organize the militia, and appoint and commission all military officers ; also to erect and demolish fortifications ; — but he could not march any inhabitant out of the Province without his own consent, or that of the Legislature previously obtained. He could negative as many as thirteen of the Councillors chosen, and also the Speaker of the House, if they were displeasing to him ; — a prerogative often exercised by him in high party-times. The two Legislative branches, after organizing themselves in the spring, were usually addressed by him in a speech ; at other sessions, his communica- tions were by written message. He presided at the Council- board,* and no law or order passed by the two houses, or by either, was valid till approved by him. Lieui.Gov- The Lieutenant-Governor always filled the executive chair, when the chief magistrate was absent ; but at other times, during a series of years, he sat and voted with the Council. charter aUo included the live northerly Isles of Shoals, as embraced in Gorges' charter : viz. Hog Island— Hay ley' or Smutty-nose Island — Duck, Cedar^ and Malaga Islands.— See 1st vol. chap. vi. A. D. 1639. ♦ He presided during executive, not legislative debates ; — thoHgh Lord Bellamont did in both 2 Hutchinson's History, p. 107,— The places of Councillors negatived^ were not filled that year. ChaP. I.] OF MAINE. 1 1 The Legislative power was vested in two distinct branches — A. D. i692 1 IT., TT '^93. each having; a negative upon the other. 1 he ujpper House was .j.^^^ called the Council^ or Board of Assistants, consisting of 28 laiure. members ; — the other was the House of Representatives. By the charter, three of the Council were always to be j^e Coun- from the Province of Maine, and one from Sagadahock ; — who cii. must at the time, " be inhabitants or proprietors of land within "the territory," which they were chosen to represent. The whole number of Councillors were, at first, by name inserted in the charter, who were to hold their places till the election in May, 1693. Those in Maine were Jol) Alcot,'^ Samuel DonnelLf and Samuel Heyman ; and for Sagadahock, Sylvanus Davis. Mr. Alcot and Mr. Donnell both resided at York, and both of them were afterwards sometime Justices of the Inferior Court or Common Pleas. — Mr. Alcot was one of the ancient, most ^i^^, substantial and wealthy inhabitants of his town, and had been commander of the militia company twenty years before ; never- theless, being somewhat advanced in years he was never rechosen into the Council. But Mr. Donnell was elected the next year 1 TT 1 1 ] • Donnell. and once subsequently. He also represented his town two years in the House. Mr. Heyman, having an oversight and interest in Heyman. the public alTairs, at Berwick, received this mark of distinguish- ed respect on account of his personal worth ; yet, owing proba- bly to his short life, or to his short residence in Maine, he is not known to have been a member of the Board after his charter- term expired, nor to have filled any other public office in Maine. Mr. Davis was a gentleman of good capacity and great fidelity. Davis. He had been an inhabitant of Arrowsick : and in superintending the interests and affairs of Clark and Lake upon that Island and in the vicinity, he acquired an eminent character for integrity, business, and prudence. When that Island was laid waste, he removed to Falmouth. No other man was more thoroughly ac- quainted with this eastern country,f or with the Indians, and while a prisoner at Quebec, his reputation commanded particular re- spect. He was a worthy magistrate, and the next year, was elect- ed a member of the Council. To fill the places of Messrs. Alcot and Heyman at the Coun- * Written, or spelt sometimes, « Alcock," and sometimes »' Alcot." — See *Dte — the burning of York, 1692. f Sulliran, p. 890. 12 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. 15^2^692 cil-board, in 1693, Francis Hook and Charles Frost were elected. They had been members of President Danforth's Messrs, /-i m j Hook, Council, and were two of the most popular and useful men in Frost vviieei- the Province of Maine. In the first Inferior Court, or Com- wriffhi, and -j, , i i t i j^yiiiie, mon rleas, they were both Judges ; and Mr, Hook was two years Judge of Probate. In 1694, they were re-elected. The game year, the places of Mr. Donnell and Mr. Davis were filled by Mr, Samuel Wheelwright, of Wells, son of the Rev. John Wheelwright, tlie original and principal proprietary settler of that town ; and by Mr. Joseph hynde, who was a non-resident proprie^ tor of lands, within Sagadahock. He lived in Boston and was Province treasurer, Indeed, the Sagadahock territory was rep-^ resented in the Council by a non-resident landholder, with a few exceptions, through a period of sixty or seventy years. When elected, and before taking the qualifying oath, he usually made affidavit at the Board, that he was such proprietor, Annun! The Council were annually chosen on the day of the general IilrCoiIi)%. election in May, by the members of the old Board and the new House of Representatives, assembled in convention ; and if any vacancies happened, during the political year, they might be filled in the same way by the two branches united, ^even form-* ed a quorum for transacting business ; the Board being both a CO'^ ordinate branch of the General Court, and an advisatory Coun- cil of the Governor. Nay, when the offices of both the Gov^ ernor and Lieutenant-Governor were vacant, all acts of executive power were exercised by a majority of the whole Council ; and there have been many instances, especially in the Revolution, when commissions were signed by fifteen Councillors. House of fpjjg other branch of the General Court, called the House, Olives. constituted of deputies, or representatives elected by towns- corporate. Governor Phips, for the first time, issued warrants, May 20, 1692, unto every town, to choose Uwo and no more;' and appointed a session on the 8th qf June, when 153* were Member» returned. In this Legislature, eight appeared from Maine ; Kittery, f.om Maine. YqpI^^ Wells, and the Isles of Shoals, [Appledore,] severally re- turning two representatives. f Subsequent to the first year, how- • That is to say, ffQ m Plymouth 12; Essex 30; Middlesex 35 ; Suffolk 25; Hampshire 12 ; Barnstable 11 ; Bristol 16 ; Martha's Vineyard 2 ; Nan- tucket 2; and Maine S ;=153. fin 1692, from Kitltty^ James Emery and Benjamin Hodsdon ; fronj Chap, i.] of malne. 13 ever, those Isles were never represented in the General Court ; a. d»^ig92 nor did any town in Maine, afterwards, for sixty years, return at th6 same time, more than a single member to the House. Some of its towns were always represented, during that period, except in 1697 ; though the whole delegation from this Province, in any single year, never exceeded ten or eleven.* The entire number in the House for the first ten years, was usually between 60 and 80; never till 1735, exceeding 100 members. Forty constituted a quorum for doing business ; and every one was entitled to a daily compensation of 3s. for his attendance, but was finable 5s. if absent a day without leave. To be entitled to the right of suffrage, a man must be 21 years .^"[o of^"*^ of age, own an estate, worth £40 sterling, or a freehold, which [-[Jj^"*^"^*' would yield an annual income of 40 shillings. In the first leg- islature, the ratio of representation by towns was graduated to the number of their respective voters ; every town having 120 might return two ; — 40 and upwards, one 30 and less than 40, one, or in the latter case the town might elect one or none at pleasure : — having less than 30 voters, it might unite with the next adjoining town in the election of a representative. To the General Court, was given full power to establish Powm or with or without penalties, all manner of wholesome and reasona- coun. ble laws, statutes, ordinances and orders, not repugnant to those of England, — ^to name and settle annually, all civil officers, whose appointment was not otherwise prescribed,— and to levy taxes needful for the support of government, and the protection of the people. But all " orders, laws, statutes and ordinances'*^ were Laws to be to be transmitted by the first opportunity after enactment, to the by Ujc king, king for his approval, under the royal signature. f If, however, Torfc, Jeremiah MoultoQ and M. Turfrey ; from Wells, Eliab Hutchinson and John Wheelwrig-ht ; and from the Isles of Shoals, Roger Kelley and William Lakeman. In 1693, from Kitlery, James Emery. In 1694, from the same town, William Screven; and from York and Wells united, Eze- kiel Rogers, Jr. In 1G95, from Kiltery, James Emery, and in 1696, John Shapleigh, In 1697, . In IfiSG, frpn) Kiltery, Richard Cults, and from Yorki Abraham Preble. * The non-rresident act was passed in 1694, by which no man might " serre *' in the House for any town, unless where he did at that time live and dwell."— 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 78. f Hence these were denominated the StattUes of the reigning monarch ivho approved them, as * the StattUes of William and JUary ;* * AnnCj SfC* 14 THE HISTORY [VoL. II . A- i>.^jG92 any one of them were not expressly disallowed by him in privy council, within three years, from the day it reached the Board, it had, after that period, full force and effect by lapse of time. Manifest inconveniences attended this process and requirement, though not without some beneficial effects. For great pains were taken to render the enacted bills perfect ; — besides, a needless multiplication of them, so reprehensible in later times, was greatly prevented. In legislation, the General Court soon became more parliamentary than formerly, — each house sending bills to the other for concurrence, amendment or rejection. How- ever, to avoid transmitting every minor legislative measure across Resolves, the Atlantic, the General Court often acted by " Resolves and in this way, introduced an anomaly into legislation, still exten- sively practiced, though the reason has long since ceased. TKe Judici- rpj^g General Court, being authorized by charier to erect Courts of Justice, for the trial of all cases, criminal and civil, arising within the Province, immediately effected a thorough revision of the judiciary department. Some of the first legislative enact- ments provided for the erection and establishment of five judicial tribunals ; a Supreme Court, Common Pleas, Quarter Sessions, and Justice's Courts ; — and afterwards. Probate, Chancery, and Admiralty Courts, The Su- 1 . The Superior Courf^ consisted of one Chief Justice and four Couru * puisne,' or Side Judges, — any three of whom formed a quorum. It was a tribunal of law and justice in all civil and criminal cases, through the Province, and of assize and general gaol-delivery in each county. But the statute establishing it, was not approved by the crown, till three years had nearly elapsed, subsequent to its passage by the General Court ; so that none of the judges, except the chief justice, was permanently commissioned, till 1695, nor before Governor Phips' return to England. In the meantime, the jurisdictional powers of this tribunal were exercised by special commissions of Oyer and Terminer,* one of which, for instance, was issued by the Governor, June 2d, 1 692, to try witches. But after the statute took effect, it was found in its practical operation not to be sufficiently broad and explicit ; and another was passed ♦ One special commission was filled with Lieut. Gov. Stoughton, Major Saltonstall, Major Richards, Major B. Gedney, Mr. Wait Winthrop, Capt. Samuel Sewall, and Mr. Sargent. — 1 Doug. Summ. p. 450. Chap, i.] of maine. 15 in 1699, which gave to the Court a jurisdiction of all matters, A. D.^j692 civil and criminal, — including appeals from the lower courts, re- views and writs of error, as fully to every intent, as the courts of king's bench, common pleas and exchequer had within the king- dom of England. The judges were appointed in 1695,* and held terms in most of the counties, twice in every year. June was the month for the sessions of the Court in Yorkshire ; and the shire town, till the close of the present Indian war, was Kit- tery — subsequently York. 2. An " Inferior Court,^^ or [Common Pleas] was established pfeTs?°" in each county, consisting of four Judges, who had cognizance of all civil actions, arising within its limits, *' triable at the common law." The statute fconstituting this Court was also revised in 1699, but not essentially altered. The first bench of Judges, commissioned in Yorkshire, now more commonly called * the county of York,' were Job Alcot, Francis Hook, Charles Frost 7^*^ Jutiges ' ' ' ^ 111 the Conn- and Samuel Wheelwright. The high sheriff was Joseph Curtis, of York. The terms in this county, were holden at York, on the first Tues- days of April and July ; and at Wells on the first Tuesdays oi January and October. Appeals lay from the decision of this Court, to the next Superior Court sitting in the same county. 3. The Court of General Quarter Sessions of the peace, was The Quar- holden by the Justices of the Peace within the county, at ^j^g *1. The Chief Justice was Williani Siovghton, born at Dorchester, A. D. 1632, graduated at Harvard Colleg-e 1650, and was appointed the first Lieut. Governor under the charter of William and Mary. Though he was in the executive chair alter Governor Phips left it, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in 1695; which oflSce he held till 1700, when he aj^ain took the chair on the death of Lord Bellamont. He died 1702. — 2. Thomas Danforlh, late President of Maine, was a roan of great probity and stern political virtues— the idol of republicans. His name was not inserted among- the chai ter Councillors, though expressly desired by the agents. *• The people received the intelligence with sur- prise and grief." He held the office of Judge till his death, 1699. — 3. ElU sha Cook; a physician of Boston. Hs was a high liberty man," and a popular leader in the General Court near 40 years. He was an assistant in 1681 ; and appointed Judge in 1695 ; left the bench 1702 ; and died 1715, — aged 78. — 4. Samuel Sewall of Newbury, a graduate of Harvard College, 1671, was put into the special commission in 1692 ; appointed Judge, 1695; and Chief Justice, 1718 : and left the bench, 1728.— 5. Wait Winthrop, appointed, 1696 ; left the bench, 1717. Each Judges' pay was a grant of £40 a year, till 1700, when it was raised to £50.— J\Ia^s. Rec. p. 391. 1 6 THE HISTORY [Vol.. n. A.Dgj692 same times and places, the Court of Common Pleas held their terms : having authority to " hear and determine all matters re- lating to the conservation of the peace, and punishment of of- fenders, cognizable by them according to lavjr." But it being a needless expense for all the Justices of the county to attend court, four times in the year, merely for the trial of a few minor offences; they were made by the revising statute of 1699, to consist only of those designated for the purpose, in the commis- sion itself. Still, though the list of Justices was not large, it was a numerous and expensive court, till the Revolution. Appeals were allowed from this tribunal, to the Superior Court — the ap- pellant being put under recognizance to prosecute the cause, to file his reasons, and produce copies of the process, and of the evidence adduced at the trial. Justices of ^- Justices of the Peace were civil officers known under the u>e Peace, charter of Gorges, — never hitherto in the Colony of Massachu- setts ; the Assistants acting as Justices through the jurisdiction. An indefinite number, though not great, was now appointed and commissioned for each county by the Governor with advice of Council; — to hold their offices during good behavior. Each one had jurisdiction of all civil causes to the amount of 40s. and of all crimes, so far as to commit or recognize to a higher tribu- nal, if they were heinous, and to punish such offences, as assaults and batteries — violation of the Sabbath — gaming — drunkenness — profanity — and breaches of the peace, — either by the stocks, cage, a fine of 20s. and even stripes not exceeding ten. Court of ^' Probate business, until the colony charter was vacated. Probate, transacted in the County Court. But in 1 687, amidst the cmmges of government, Joshua Scottow* of Scarborough, was commissioned Judge, and his son Thomas, a young graduate of Harvard College, was appointed recorder for Yorkshire. — Now, under the new Province-charter, a Judge and Register were commissioned by the Executive, during good behavior, for each County; and in Yorkshire, 1693, Francis Hook was appointed Judge, and John Wincoln, Register. Any appeal made from this Court, went directly to the Governor and Council. 6. A Court of Chancery was established with power, *' to hear * Previously, under President Danforth's administratioD, Mr. Scottow had been one of the Provincial Council of Maine. Chap, i.] of Maine. 17 all matters of equity, not rellevable at common law." It was a. d. 1692 holden in Boston, by three Commissioners, assisted by five Court of Masters in Chancery, — all of whom were appointed by the Gov- Chancery, ernor and Council. 7. There was likewise an American Vice-Mmiralty Court ; ^.^^^^f'^^ and Wait JVinthrop* was appointed. May 22, 1699, by the crown, or by the high admiral of England, the Judge for New-England and New- York. Besides this, there was a Provincial Justiciary Court of Admiralty^ holden by the Governor and Council, sit- ting with that Judge and the Secretary of State, — for the trial' bf piracies and other crimes, committed on the high seas. From any decision of the Provincial judicatories or courts, in Appeals lo any personal action, wherein the matter in difference exceeded "own, £300 sterling, an appeal was allowed, by the charter, to the king in council. To revise and regulate the Militia, a statute was passed, in The Miiiiia, 1693, which directed all the male inhabitants, between 16 and 60, other than specified exempts,f to be enrolled and to do military duty four days in a year ; who were all to be well armed and equipped wiih a firelock, and its appendages, furnished at their own expense. They were organized by the Captain-Gen- eral and Commander-in-Chief, into companies, severally of 60 men, and classed into regiments, whose musters were directed to be triennial. All military officers of and above an ensign's rank, he himself without the advice of Council, appointed and commissioned ; and all under that rank were appointed by the captains. On any alarm given, which was understood to be — a discharge of three guns in succession at measured intervals, — all the soldiers in the same town were required, under heavy pen- alties, to convene in arms at the usual place of rendezvous, and await the orders of their officers. But no officer could quarter or billet a soldier upon any other inhabitant than an innholder without his consent. All christians, except papists, were expressly allowed by the * The successive Judg-es of this Court were Messrs. Atvvood, Mempes- son, Nathaniel Byfield, John Menzis, Robert Achmuty, and, in 1747, Chambers P».ussel. — 1 Doug. Suram. p. 494. f These exempts were many — extending not only to all members of the legislature, ministers, deacons, and all judicial and executive officers ; but to Masters of Arts, herdsmen, and sea captains. Vol. II 3 THE HISTORY [Vol. II. Mod-titles Bill of rigbU. charter, ''^ liberty of conscience in the worship of God." No at- tempt to legalize the old platform of church government, met with any success ; nor would the General Court, after this period, be persuaded to interfere in any ecclesiastical disputes, otherwise than to recommend an arbitrament or compromise.* To every church, however, was given and secured, by a new law, all its former rights and privileges in worship and discipline — also the power of electing its own minister. But if the choice was non- concurred by the town voters, a council, consisting of three or five neighboring eiders, or delegates from their respective churches, was to be called, — whose decision was by the statute of 1695, to be conclusive. One great and important duty was still enjoined upon towns by law,- — which required them to be constantly provided with an able, learned and orthodox ministry. In defence of government, justice, liberty and religion, the corner-pillars of the community, there were now provided with no less assiduity than formerly, what were esteemed their indis- pensable safeguard and panoply, viz. — schools and early educa- tion ; the ardor for mental culture and improvement having no- where undergone any abatement. Nay, such was still the public zeal for learning, that every town of 50 householders was by a new law finable, that failed to employ a schoolmaster constantly ; and when the town embraced twice that number of families, the instructor must be capable of teaching the sciences and learned languages. Land-titles were a subject of great importance and early con- sideration. By a colony ordinance of 1652, confirmed by stat- ute in 1692, peaceable possession, five years, acquired a title^ in fee-simple. As the limitation, however, was very short, the law provided, that the owner should not lose his right, if he pursued his claim, within t(jat length of time, after the close of the present or second Indian war. This provision was intended for the particular benefit of the settlers in Maine. But no territorial purchases of the Indians were considered valid, unless they were sanctioned by the laws and usages, extant within the constituent sections of the Province, where the lands lay. In short, the political axioms of this period, drawn into a stat- ute 6*7/ of rights, and passed in X692, shew in a more peculiar * Nor has any Eyaod since b«ea called. — 2 Hulch. Hist. p. 18. Chap, i.] of Maine. 19 manner the sentiment, sense and intelligence of the federative a. D. 1692 . . . . 10 1693. community. By these, no one might be despoiled of his liber- ties, or rights, except by the judgment of his peers or the laws of the land. Justice shall never be sold, denied nor deferred ; nor shall any one be twice tried, or sentenced for the same of- fence. All trials shall be by juries of twelve men, or by prior established law. Bail shall always be allowed, except in cases of treason, and in capital felonies ; wherein reasonable challenges shall be 2;ranted at the trials. Writs of habeas corpus shall never Habeas be prohibited, — * nor shall any tax be levied or laid upon the Taxes, people, without -an act of the legislature.'* Former laws were perpetuated for a period, by a special statute, ^ till opportunity was given, either to amend, to revise or re-enact anU usages, them ; — all usages retained and practices approved — as the legal expletives of such legislative acts as remained unrevived, if not inconsistent with the charter, becoming in after time the accredit- ed parts of our ' common law.' For the furtherance of justice, any judgment rendered in the courts of Yorkshire^ since 1686, might, by a provisional law, be reviewed in the new court of Com- mon Pleas. Judicial process and legal remedies became as- similated, by degrees, to the free principles of the English com- mon law ; — a code, in most of its parts, too sacred rn the peo- ples' view, ever to be touched by a despotic hand. Inheritances were made divisible or partible, equally among heirs, excepting to the oldest son a double portion. Every justice of the peace was authorized to solemnize marriages within his county ; and every settled minister within his town. But all questions of di- Yorce and alimony, were committed to the decision of the Gov- ernor and Council. Rules were given to counties for the man- agement of their prudential affairs ; also particular duties and re- strictions were prescribed to licensed houses. JThe powers and obligations of towns were revised in the choice and number of town officers ; in the support of their poor ; in the repairs of their highways ; and in the regulation of public ferries, and even of fences between man and man. Nay, almost every object of con- siderable importance, or public utility, received the particular * But the Crown refused to approve this Bill, for the ministry foresaw that if the act was approved, it would be a security against parliamentary taxatioB. 20 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.DM692 attention of the General Court, within its first three or four years of legislation, under the province charter. Nor will the writer Remarks, be charged with a needless multiplication of remarks upon the form of government, and the general administration of affairs—- when their importance is realized, and when it is further consid- ered, many of the most prominent laws and regulations, occasion- ally revised and amended, were not only continued in operation till the American revolution, but are the foundation of the " acts" that fill our present statute books. In no department, it is said by able civihans, do the lights and Laws. shades of a people's public character appear more conspicuous, than in their code of ' criminal law,^ — in the scale and species of penalties and punishments. If Eutopean governments, in their progress, tarnish its pages with more and more blood, it is a happy consideration, that with us, practical experience and im- proved policy, have taken a juster view of crimes, and pursued them with a correspondent moderation as to penalties. By ed- ucating the mind, and deepening the moral sense, crimes may be prevented — not by aggravating the forfeitures, or sharpening the punishments. According to a classification in the code at that offences.*"^ time enacted, — murder, treason, piracy, rape, robbery on a sec- ond conviction, bestiality, arson, polygamy, and witchcraft were all capital crimes : Burglary, forgery, blasphemy, perjury, adultery and larceny were public offences of the second class : and the third embraced assaults and batteries, gambling, drunkenness, irauds, usury, sabbath-breaking, and all breaches of the peace. Though among the penalties and punishments, torture no lon- ger makes its appearance, ingenuity seems to have been not a little exerted in the work of inventing new and various kinds and modes ; — some of which were cruel if not barbarous. In truth, that age, mistaken as it was, appeared determined to try by tests of experiment, what indelible marks of disgrace upon the body could effect, towards preventing crimes, and reforming the heart and habits of the offender. For, besides a confinement in the pillory, stocks or cage^ and sitting on the gallows, convicts were whipped ; their foreheads branded ; their ears cut off or nailed to a post ; and the tongue of a convicted blasphemer, perforated with a redhot iron. Even ten stripes might be inflicted by a constable, in execution of a sentence awarded by a justice of the peace. Chap, i.] of Maine. 21 Idolatry and heresy, which had been capital, were no longer A. D^^I692 considered offences punishable by law ; and it is greatly to be re- gretted, that a page of the statute book should be again sullied, by a re-enactment recorded against witchcraft, — more especially since the penalty affixed was death.* If such a crime were ever com- mitted, the difficulty of proving it, necessarily borders on utter impossibility. The trials of the accused were principally in Sa- lem (Massachusetts); and the height of the delusion was in 1692, when the country was involved in a bloody war with the eastern Indians. Of the whole number, convicted of witchcraft, 19 were,.,. , ' , . Witchcraft. executed ; and fifty others were prisoners in close confinement, when the spell was dissolved, and this master spirit of delusion, became effectually expelled from distempered and credulous minds, by force of good sense and sound principles in religion and reason. Though we have no record of a conviction for this crime in Maine ; a single case of one, formerly an inhabitant, may without Bmrmighs. impropriety be mentioned. George Burroughs, a native of Essex county, and a worthy minister of the gospel, who preached at Falmouth between 1685 and 90, was arrested at Danvers, and tried for witchcraftf at Salem, in 1692, on three indictments ; and * To encounter a ' demoniacal spirit of delusion,' a colon}- ordinance was passed against icitchcrafl in 1646. The first execution under it, was at Charlestown in 1650. There were several other cases in different parts of New-England before 1688, when the infatuation became more dreadful; and in the course of three or four successive years, filled Massachusetts with misery and alarm. The sufferers said they were pinched, pressed and otherwise tortured by an invisible hand— accusing- some one, who was hence soon arrested and tried. — See 2 Hutch Hist. p. 22-62. f The Indictment alleged—' that the said Burrotighs, late of Falmouth, * Clerk, on the 9th day of May current, and divers days and times before * and since at Salem, certain detestable acts, called witchcrafts and sorce- * ries> wickedly and feloniously hath used, practised and exercised, in and « upon one Mary Walcot of Salem village, singlewoman ; by which said < wicked acts — she is tortured, afflicted, wasted and tormented — against « the peace, and contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and * provided.' He pleaded, that he was " not g'wiZ/y."--On the trial the evidence was such as follows : — One witness said, upon oath, ' I have seen * Burroughs put his finger into the muzzle of a gun and hold it out straight • * and though he said an Indian present did the same, none of us could re- ' collect an Indian was present, and we supposed the being must have been ♦the blackman, or the devil, who' (they swore they had no doubt) « looks 'like an Indian.' 22 THE HISTOKV [Vol. II* A.D. 1693. though the evidence was of a most extraordinary and incredible character, the jury returned verdicts of Guilty on each of them 5 — and he was executed.* Fortunately, however, for the honor of humanity, he was among the last sufferers. The doors were soon thrown open to the wretched prisoners ; and all witchcraft, with the prosecutions ceased. Gov. Phips The administration of Sir William Phips continued only about recalled years and a half- To answer for some personal violence done to Brenton, the collector of the customs, and to Short, cap- tain of the Nonesuch frigate in Boston-harbor, both of whom had refused to obey the Governor's orders, he was required to make iflSi^^' his appearance at Court. He embarked for London Nov. 17, H.s death. 1694^-|- where he died the ensuing February. He was a man of benevolent disposition and accredited piety, though sometimes unable to repress the ebullitions of temper. He was not only Samnd Wchher testified that he, while living- at Casco bay, conversed with Burroughs about his great strength, when he said — " I have put my "fingers into the bunghole of a barrel of molasses, and lifted it up, and " carried it around me and set it down again." Susannah Skelden swore, that ' Mr. Burroughs' apparition came and told her, he had killed both his * wives, two of his own and three of his neighbors' children.' J^Iercy Lewis testified thus — " Mr. Burroughs took me up on a high mountain " and shewed me all the kingdoms of the earth, and offered them to me if " I would write in his book ;" — declaring, he'd " throw me down and break " my neck, if I would not." 'I keep, (said he) the devil, a servant in my t shop.' Jinn Pulman stated on the stand, to this purport. — ' On the 8tb * of May instant, I saw the apparition of Burroughs; it grievously tortured * me and urged me to write in his book. Presently the forms of two women * appeared to me in winding sheets with napkins about their heads. They « looked very red and angry on Burroughs, and said their blood cried for * vengeance against him ; — and they should be clothed in heaven with tchiCe ' robes, and he would be cast doxon to hell. His spectre then vanished away j * and they told me they were Burroughs'' two wives — he had murdered them : * And Jilrs. Lawson and her daughter told me this morning, he had murder- *ed them. —See 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 265— 271.— Also trials if filches in Suffolk {Eng.) published A. D. 1684. — Mr. Burroughs was graduated at Harvard College, A. D. 1670, late in life for a man to close a classical course : — yet it seems his object was to qualify himself for the ministry. * JVeaVs J^ew-England.-^2 Hutch. Hist. 58-61.— Sw//. 208-12.— One ac- count says he was 80 years old.— [6 Coll. Mass. His. Soc. 268 ;] but thi» must be a mistake. — 1 Doug. Sum. 450-1. t Governor Phips was at Pemaquid in May, 1694, and there obtained from Madockawando, a deed of the lands at St. Gcorg^es' River. — 2 Huieh. Hist. p. 72. Chap, l.] OF MAINE. 23 energetic and exceedingly persevering in his purposes; but he A. D. 1C94. possessed good abilities, unsullied integrity and strong attachnnents. His unremitting assiduities to promote the best interests of Maine, the Province of his nativity, and to enforce measures devised for its defence and relief, are evidences, monumental of his pat- riotism and his high sense of obligation and duty. After his conquest of Nova Scotia, in 1690, Massachusetts Nova Sco- assumed ilie government of that Province; appointed John Nel- j'^jv^^j^^^^ son, Governor ; and gave commissions to judges, justices and ^o^- other officers. But the Acadian Provincials consisted of a mixed r^^^ Acadi- race, some born in the country, — some French emigrants — some ""s. resident traders — some half breeds of Indian extraction, with a few English ; and the most of them were lamentably ignorant, poor and miserable. Naturally attached to the French interests, and bigoted to the Romish religion, they were under the des- potic influence of the Jesuit missionaries ; and though they took the oath of allegiance to the English crown, they had changed masters so many times, that no confidence could be placed in their fidelity. Required by both to obey and yet protected by neither ; they became dispirited, — and tamely obsequious to any power, that would permit them and their families to live. Even they had in a partial degree, corrupted their language with half-English words,* Villebon, appointed Governor of the country, established him- ^..^^ ^ ^ self at St. John,f seized Nelson and sent him to Quebec ;{ or-Cov.atSi. dering the English flag to be struck at Port-Royal, Nov. 26, 1691, and the French fjag hoisted. He then opened a lucrative trade with the Indians; supplying them with arms, provisions and warlike stores, without which they could not have continued the war. In 1692 and 5, unsuccessful attempts were made to re-^ ^ jgg^ move Villebon ; as Massachusetts considered herself in virtual possfl»Bion of the Province, especially the great peninsula. The people chose deputies, and in some places, selectmen — being officers borrowed from the New-England colonies ; yet there was no regular system of government. In case of a general disturb- ance, or any affair of public interest; a village or district was convened, a consultation had, and a messenger sent with prayers or complaints to their Governors, * 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 13-37-93. f Called Naxoat.— 2 Hutch, Hut. p. 98. 1 1 Coll. Macs. Hist. Soc. p. 136, 3d Series. 24 I'HE HISTORY [Vol. ii. A.D. 1695. But after the capture of Fort William Henry, and a nominal Massacini- reposscssion of Nova-Scotia, in 1696, by the French ; Massachu- sells resis;ns ^ ^ ... Nova Sto- setts was convinced of her inability to recover or protect the tin to the . , ^ Crown. country, though within her charter ; and therefore she suppli- cated the crown, to be relieved from any further expense in de- fending it; praying that Port-Royal and St. John's might be gar- risoned at the national charge.* This was equivalent to a resig- nation of her jurisdictional rights to JVova-Scotia, which were never afterwards reclaimed by her. She permitted an inter- course with Port-Royal and other })laces, till she found, that ves- sels, under color of carrying provisions and necessaries to the suffering inhabitants, were actually freighted with military sup- plies,— when she forbade all trade whatever to that Province, f Protects On the contrary, Maine and Sagadahock, not only united with Massachusetts by the charter, but by the stronger ties of com- munity and attachment, were objects of her unremitting care and protection. Though she was herself in a distressed condition, her treasury exhausted, her public credit low, and her expendi- ture great ; and though perplexed with an uncommon maledic- tion, produced by the infatuations of witchcraft mentioned, she constantly exercised a provident liberality towards this eastern country. In the new and equal administration, she extended to it and its inhabitants, where any remained, all the favors of a good, a protective and a watchful government. Troops were sent hither from year to year, whose support and supplies incurred great expense. Besides the erection of Fort William Henry, Major Converse, in 1693, built a strong stone fort at Saco falls, J in which a small garrison was kept till the close of the war. The next year, the zeal of Gov. Phips carried him too far for his own reputation, in his endeavors to urge Short, captain of the None- such frigate, to cruise upon the eastern coast, in search of pica- roons and privateers. Every expedient was adopted to p*«erve and defend the country. A bounty of £50 was offered in 1605-6, for every Indian woman or child under 14 years, taken prisoner, or for an older Indian's scalp, produced at the board of war.§ For three years or more, the portion of the public or Province taxes assigned to Yorkshire were wholly remitted. Special en- * 5 Mass. Rec. p. 579. f 1 Halliburton's N. Scotia, p. 79. X Fort Mary. } 5 Mass. Rec. p. 437 — 2 Hoi. A. Ann. p. 10. Chap, i.] of Maine. 25 couragements, in the midst of the war, were offered the people to a.d. 1696, abide in their habitations and defend their remaining possessions. The plantation of Newichawannock was revived in the very heart of the war. To encourage ihe pious settlers, so struggling with war and want, the General Court made them a gratuity towards the support of a gospel ministry ; — religion being pat- ronized as indispensable to the welfare of every new settlement. The emigration also of French protestants was much favored ; who, fleeing from the sword of persecution, were received with open arms ; while those of that nation who were " of a contra- ry religion," had been, in 1692, forbidden by a legislative statute, to reside or be in any of the seaports or frontier towns in the Province, without license from the Governor and Council. A few facts will show the indigence and distress of the re- indi^enca maining inhabitants in Yorkshire towards the close of the war. shire!"^'^ They were even unable to pay tlieir county taxes. Nor could they so much as repair their gaol, and render it sufficiently strong and secure to hold culprits, till the General Court had given or- ders to Joseph Curtis, the sheriff of the county, to expend the fine-money in his hands for that purpose. So feeble and strait- ened were the people of York, two or three years after the town was ravaged and despoiled by the enemy, that they, in their cor- porate capacity, contracted with a gentleman from Portsmouth, to erect a mill for grinding their corn ; giving him, as a reward, the site itself, the use of the stream, and a lot of land, with some peculiar privileges in cutting timber, and agreeing, that they and the inhabitants would always afterwards carry their corn and grain to that mill, so long as it were kept in repair.* A similar enterpfize was undertaken, in 1693, by John Wheelwright of Wells, upon Cape-Porpoise river. He proposed to erect a saw- mill there, and the General Court thought it expedient to encour- agoihiB, by permitting him to take board-logs, from the public lands.f To persuade the people of Wells, either to rebuild or repair their principal garrison, all their taxes were remitted to them, in 1 696 — beside the supplies actually furnished for their support and defence. The great interests which Massachusetts possessed in Maine, * S Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. p. 8. Vol. II. 4 f 5 Mass. Rec. p. 287. 26 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1G96. were not only affected by the war, — they were indirectly, though Acts of Par- sensibly touched by Parhament. For that legislature enacted, liament " ' to lands and (ui 1696) that no charter proprietor of lands in America, should navigation. , i , , . sell them to any other than natural born subjects, without a license from the crown.* Another act of equal importance, though of a different character, renewedly required, that all ships in the plan- tation trade, should be English or plantation built, and their car- goes registered as English or plantation property. About the Irade^'and ^amc time, the ' New Board of trade,' styled " The Lords Com- pianiaiions. missioners for trade and plantations,^'' vf^s established in England consisting of seven members. To these the Provincial Governors were to make all their communications, and from them receive their instructions. A.D. 1697. These colonial regulations were followed by the treaty of Rys- Treatyof wick, Sept. 11, 1697, before mentioned, which happily put a RysvMtk. gpggjjy period to the war in America. — By the 7th article, it Nova Sco- was Stipulated, that mutual restitution should be made of all the tlTihe"*^^'^ countries, colonies and forts, taken by either party during the French. n^fij- > virtue of which, unfortunately, Acadia or Nova Scotia, without any definite boundaries, returned once more to the undis- puted possession of the French. Neither in the war, nor in the treaty, was any thing effectually done towards determining the western limits of that Province. Only in this, as in the treaty of Breda, provision was merely made for the appointment of com- missioners to settle that question. Meanwhile, the state of the BoUMhey case Spontaneously revived the controversy France, by treaty, and chusetis Massachusetts, by charter, both strenuously claiming the Sagada- daiiock.^"^ hock provincc, or country between Kennebeck and St. Croix. Moreover the French, not content with their territorial posses- sions eastward, presently undertook to make themselves sole pro- prietors of the eastern fisheries, and even proceeded to take pos- session of Louisiana.f A.D. 1G98. In the summer of 1698, a frigate on her passage from France to Port-Royal, meeting with an English colonial fishing vessel, near Cape Sable, gave the master a translated order from the French king, authorizing the seizure of all English vessels found * 2 [lolmes' A. Ann. p. 32. + Origin of the French claim to the river Mississippi. Country piii chased by the United States, A. D. 1803. Chap, i.] of Maine. 27 fishing on the coast. He was also told, to give all other vessels a.d. i698. notice of the order ; Bonaventure, in the Enviux, soon afterwards boarding several and sending them to their homes, with a similar errand. Governor Villebon was more definite. In his letter, Sept. 5, YiUeht'n from St John,* to Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, he stated, that he was directed by his royal master, to maintain his claim -a ^j^^pei to the country, as far westward as Kennebeck river from its source to its mouth — leaving the course of the river free to both nations ; that the Indians dwelling upon its banks, must no longer be considered subjects of the English crown but free natives ; and that all American fishermen, on the coast, or traders to the French ports, eastward of that river, will be seized : For, said he, you cannot be ignorant how plainly " it is prohibited by the treaty " between the two crowns, which you yourself sent to me." To strengthen the claim and secure the alliance of the Canibas tribe, the French this year built at Norridgewock, a catholic chap- el ; and this was followed by a frequent epistolary correspondence, between Ralle, the resident missionary, and the Governors of Canada and Nova Scotia. When complaints of these encroachments were presented to Pemaquid the Lords of Trade and Plantations, they replied, that they should always insist " on the English right as far as the river St Croix and strongly urged the government of Massachusetts " to rebuild " the fort at Pemaquid — a work, they said, " which ought " long before to have been done." The controversy was renewed — proceeding upon the former Tj,e ri^ht to grounds taken by the disputants. The French still insisted, that ho4^1n"dis- " Acadia" was expressly conceded to them by the treaties of P"*®- St. Germains,f of Breda,J and now of Ryswick — a country which in fact extended much farther westward than Kennebeck ; and that they had always claimed, and frequently occupied, as far as that river. But the English contended, that *' JVbm Scotia-^ was the Province resigned, and no more ; and that when the two crowns were in alliance, and Andros was Provincial Governor under James II, he established a garrison at Pemaquid, and took possession of Penobscot. It is true, the question was somewhat * In 1700, the entire garrison and settlement removed to Port-Royal, t Ante, A. D. 1632. t Ante, A. D. 1668. 28 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1699. embarrassed by Lord Cromwell's charter of the country, granted forty-two years before, to Sir Thomas Temple by which the western limits were fixed at St. Georges' river, or perhaps Mus- congus. Even John Nelson, before mentioned, when a prisoner in Paris, wrote, January 26, 1698, that though the French and Indians should claim to Kennebeck, they might, without much difficulty, be restrained to the river St. Georges, " for," added he, " this was always the ancient boundary in my late uncle Thomas Temple's patent. "f May 26. RicHARD e«rZ Bellamont arrived at Boston, May 26, 1699, mom s^c-^ ^^^^ New- York, of which he was the Governor, and now also Phlps^'^^* successor of Sir William Phips. Thoroughly acquainted with the nature and extent of the eastern claim, as pursued by the officers of the French, and knowing the intrigues of that cab- inet with the Stuart succession of kings, he in his speeches to the General Court expressed himself with warmth upon those subjects ; not failing at the same time to exalt his royal master. Divine Providence, (said the Governor,) in bringing to pass the late happy and wonderful revolution in England, has been pleased to make king William, the glorious instrument of our deliverance, from the odious fetters and chains of popery and despotism, which had been artfully used to enslave our consciences and subvert all Qur civil rights. It is too well known what nation that king favored, of what religion he died, and no less, what must have been the execrable treachery of him, who parted with Acadia or Nova Scotia and the noble fishery on that coast. But his present Majesty, a true English king, entirely in the interest of his people, has restored to our nation the character of valor and greatness, exposing his royal person, in the fronts of our battles. J. Bridges, In the short administration of Lord Bellamont, the public atten- veyor^Gen- tion was particularly turned towards the Provinces of Maine and Sagadahock. By the charter, all timber trees upon the crown lands, two feet in diameter 12 inches from the ground, were re- served for the use of the royal navy ; and any person felling a tree of that size, without license, incurred a penalty of £100 Ante, A. D. 1656-7, p. 363. f 1 Coll. Jlass. Hist, Soc. p. 136, 3d series.— 3 Charlevoix's jV. F. p. 348-9.— He says Villieuand a British envoy, agreed upon St. Georges as the boun- dary. But quere ? Chap, i.] of maine. 29 sterling. The first surveyor-general was John Bridges. He was A. D. 1699. commissioned by the king, and came over with Lord Bellamont. His jurisdiction embraced New-England. He usually had four deputy surveyors; and in a few years, the annual charge was about £800 sterling."^ Often called in the course of their duties, to deal with wood cutters and rough men, they found the respon- sibilities of their trust great, and its performance sometimes diffi- cult. But it was among the greatest anxieties prevailing on the re- turn of peace, to revive the wasted and weakened towns and set- tlements of this eastern country. Destitute of homes:^ yet attach- ed to the places of their birth, hundreds of freeholders, or the heirs of deserted realties, returned, during the season, and visit- ed former abodes, or half wilderness lands ; many repaired their dilapidated cottages, and more perhaps constructed new habita- tions. Men with their families removed to the peninsula of Cas- Falmouth, CO, Purpooduck and Spurwink, in Falmouth ; to Black-point and Sa'co and ' Blue-point in Scarborough ; to Winter-Harbor and the Falls vived.^ in Saco ; to Cape-Porpoise ; and to Cape-Neddock ; — and during the present and succeeding summer, those places were re- peopled with several abiding families. To assist York, Wells, y^^|.j^ j^^^ and Kittery, "including the precinct of Berwick," — towns which had survived the war, and were struggling with embarrassments ; s'sted. the General Court, within the period of three or four years, grant- ed them more than £100, out of the public treasury, towards the support of a gospel ministry. Besides these encouragements, Wells in particular, was aided in building a meeting-house by a generous public donation. Settlements were also undertaken on both sides of Pejepscot Lower Falls, f by gentlemen of energy Pejcpspot. and pecuniary ability ; and those, as well as the preceding towns, might have risen and flourished, had not some adventitious cir- cumstances soon prevented. A false and malicious report was fabricated and sent into cir- Theindians culation among the Indians, representing, that though they, by fa^i^e^^gp^j-j*^ the late treaty, were the king's subjects, and had a pledge of his protection ; his Majesty's colonists were preparing to fall upon the tribes and utterly extirpate them. So much were they pro- * 1 Doujj. Sum. p. 484. + 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. p, 141. — Especially Topsliain. 30 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1699. voiced and incensed by this story, that many of them strove to excite a general insurrection. The rumor probably originated among the French.* Callieres, successor of Count Frontenac,f now engaged in establishing a treaty with the Five Nations, or Mohawks, was determined to destroy, if possible, the subsisting harmony and peace between the English colonists and the eastern natives. These he intended to make his own steadfast and per- petual allies ; and his emissaries, more malevolent than himself, were the authors and heralds of the false and mischievous story. The Gov- As it could not be foreseen to what height this excitement ■ernor's Pro- ^ _ ° clamaiion. might rise, the Governor issued his proclamation, cautioning the people, and requiring them to give the Indians no just provoca- tion ; to watch their motions and behavior ; and to adopt all prac- ticable means for their own safety and defence, if any injury should be offered. | Town-watches were also required, by stat- ute, to be kept from nine in the evening till morning. The pub- lic, how^ever, being disturbed, nothing could fully allay their fears. They entertained strong suspicions, though without cause, that the frontiers were actually infested with hostile savages. A D 1700 1" March, 1700, there was a special meeting of the General plepara- Court, whcn provision was made for a levy of soldiers, and for holding the militia in constant readiness. Eliakim Hutchinson^ was appointed purveyor of supplies, — 30 soldiers were posted at York, 1 5 at Kittery, and 1 5 at Wells ; and the legislature allowed to 12 or 13 men in the county of York, £137 for their indefati- gable services during the late alarm. To terrify or remove the popish missionaries from the eastern parts, who were, by report, seducing the Indians from their allegiance to the king, and exciting them to a rupture ; a legislative aqt was passed, which required them to depart the Province, before the 10th of the ensuing Sep- tember, otherwise they would, if taken, be the subjects of exem- plary punishment. mom checks ^^ord Bellamont, after a year's tarry in the Province, returned piracy. iq New-York : and what rendered his administration memorable. * 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 113. t Frontenac died in 1698, ag-ed 78, | 6 Mass. Rec. p. 57. §Eliakim was tlie son of William Hutchinson, who came over to Boston in 1636, and who, in 1673, purchased of William Phillips, a large tract of land on the westerly side of the Saco, and owned mills at Newichawannock. In 1750, Kliakim sold the Saco estate to Mr. Allen, for £l,200. Chap, i.] of Maine. 31 were his judicious measures and uncommon successes against the a.d. i700, pirates and bucaneers. They had infested the coasts for thirty years, and now became bold, since the late war, to a fearful de- gree. The chief freebooters, Kidd and Bradish, also several other desperadoes, were seized, sent to England, and executed ; and happy it was for the eastern coasters and fishing vessels, that they were, at length, delivered from such a pestiferous annoyance. It was another proposition of the Governor's enlightened policy, to fortify Great Island in the mouth of the river Piscataqua. For Proposes to fortify either if piracy were not wholly subdued, or war should be the Great Isi- alternative ; or if there were a desideratum for a military depos- ^" ' itory upon the eastern coast, or for a place of naval resort in peace ; he thought the Island when strongly fortified, would be of great public importance, especially a defence to New-Hampshire. But the latter considered it an enterprize of equal interest to Maine ; and as she had been impoverished by the late war, she felt herself inadequate to the undertaking, without the assistance of Massachusetts.* The apprehensions of a rupture with the Indians gradually sub- JJ^^^^JJ^^'j^g sided ; and the hopes of a continued peace gave encouragement, country, and even an impulse to those engaged in the resettlement of Maine. But an undertaking so broad and difficult, after the deso- lations ot ten years war, was attended with every discouragement. No mills, no inclosures, no roads ; but on the contrary, dilapidat- ed habitations, wide wasted fields, and melancholy ruins : — These were the dark shades with which to portray a map of this ill-fated country, at the present period. Deeds and the muniments of land-titles were either mutilated or destroyed ; and therefore to remedy, as far as possible, this singular evil, and prevent contro- versies, the General Court established a Committee of Claims. ^°™f".'^^*'^ consisting of seven members,f some of whom were acquainted with the law, and all of them were men of intelligence and repu- tation. They appointed times and places for their regular ses- sions ; and after receiving and examining all titles and claims to * 1 Bdk. JV*. H. 245. — Great Island, however, was fortified not long- after this period, and became a stronj^ fortress. It was called " Fort William and Nary.^'' I The committee, were Samuel Sewall, John VValley, Eliakim Hutchin- ^ son, Nathaniel Byfield, Timothy Clark, Samuel Phips, and Israel Tay. — 6 W Jlass. Rec. p. 158, 32 '''ti'- history; [Vol. ii. A. D. 1701. lands in these eastern provinces, they, in obedience to their di- rections, reported their proceedings with facts, to the legislature. May. But the aspect of affairs, the next spring, 1701, being more Lt. (jov apprehends dark and portentous, gave new and fresh damps to the ardor and fortitude of settlers. The peace in Europe appeared not to be settled. On the contrary, Lieut. Governor Stoughton, in his address to the two branches of the legislature, at their May ses- sion, told them, that from intelligence received, the clouds gath- ering over the eastern continent, seemed to forebode a returning storm ; and that extensive hostilities among the nations were se- riously apprehended. In such an alternative, it was foreseen, he said, that this country must be a large and suffering partaker ; and it would be gaining a great point " to fix the natives in his " Majesty's interest, and to prevent them from joining with the " French." tlie^eastern ^^^^ purpose, several gentlemen, early in the season, visited 4nbes. the eastern tribes ; and in the important labors of reconciliation, met with considerable success. It was believed, much might be effected by sending protestant missionaries among them ; and in aid of this policy, king William established " A Society in Eng- land for projaagating the Gospel in foreign par is. Jealousy of Never had the American French looked with a more invidious eye than at present, upon this eastern region. The Indians were tranquil ; settlements were reviving ; and the English people, en- gaged in the Newfoundland fisheries, were making great voyages. About 2,700 fishermen, and 220 vessels were employed this sin- gle year ; and they took and cured 200,000 quintals of fish, besides 4,000 hogsheads of train and liver oil. Old jealousies were not only awakened but increased ; and while the English colonies deprecated a war, the French seemed to desire it. Lord^BeHa- ^^lat added peculiar interest to this important crisis, were Governor deaths of Several distinguished persons ; — happening with- stoughton, in a period, short of thirteen months. Earl Bellamont died at James II, * and wil- New- York, March 5, 1701 ; — the Governor of that Colony, Mas- sachusetts, New-Hampshire and Maine. Alw^ays " condescend- ing, affable and courteous;" and professing to be "of the most moderate principles in religion and government," he rendered himself universally popular. His death was followed by that of Lieutenant-Governor William Stoughton, who deceased July 7th, leaving a character justly ornamental of the various important Chap, i.] of mal\e. 33 offices he had so honorably filled. These events committed the A.D. noJi, executive reins and management, for the first time, to the Coun- cil, acting by majorities of members present, never less than a quorum. Also at St. Germains, Sept. 16, died James II. having now more than twelve years since abdicated the British realm. His son, surnamed in England, the " Preteiider,^^ immediately aspired to the throne of his father ; and the French monarch by declaring in his favor, enkindled anew the flames of war. For, as the Pretender was a catholic, the English nation had resolved to limit the crown to the protestants of the royal line, and finally concluded to settle it upon Anne, princess of Denmark, another daughter of James, and sister to Mary, the late wife of William, — whenever there should be need ot a successor. The event was at hand, as king William died March 8, 1702 ; a monarch deeply lamented by his American, as well as British and Dutch subjects. As Anne immediately ascended the throne, she only delayed till the 4th of May, to publish a declaration of war aeainst France, ^'^y^ . . . . Queen Her ministry persisted in asserting an exclusive ownership of the Anne's wnr , . . wilh Sagadahock Province, and a common right with the French, to France, the navigation and fisheries of the Acadian seas. This doctrine so much disrelished by Villebon, was utterly con- pifficiiies. temned by Brouillon, his successor. Countenanced by him, the J ^ J ^ eastern son of le Bourgne revived an ancestral claim to the easterly sec- French, tion of the great Acadian peninsula ; and as soon as he heard of war, he exacted of every English vessel, 50 crowns, for license to trade on that coast.* The New-Englanders were so highly affi-onted by this and other aggressions of a similar character, that they sent out vessels, with orders to make a general sweep over these waters. Consequently some of the wrongdoers they seized — some they drove into the woods, — nor were they hardly restrained from hanging up one Capt. Baptiste as a pirate. f Even the Nova Scotia Indians, on the rumor of war, seized three fish- ing vessels, belonging to Massachusetts ; and if they, through the interposition of Brouillon, were restored, Callieres fully justified himself for exciting the Indians to hostilities. — By his treaty with the Five Nations, three years before, he had acquired great credit •* 4C Univ. Hist. p. 135. 1 Univ. Hist. p. 148. — Brouillon, declared, if they did not desist, he ' would amply avenge himself by reprisals.' Vol. II. 5 34 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1702. as a negotiator ; and he said, the Indians, who were proprietors of the eastern country, had long since committed themselves to the French as their protectors ; while the English were intruders upon their property, and invaders of the French jurisdictional rights. fe/s arWvai Quecu Anne commissioned Joseph Dudley, Esq. Governor aiBosiou. Massachusetts, Maine and New-Hampshire, and Thomas Povey, Lieutenant-Governor ; both of whom arrived at Boston on the 11th of June. Mr. Dudley, a native inhabitant of Massa- chusetts, had been as well her agent at the British court, as a colonial assistant, and the president of New-England. He was one of the mandamus Council in Andros' administration, who was seized in the revolution of 1689, and confined twenty weeks. He was afterwards Chief Justice of New- York ; and returning to England, was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Isle of Wight, and elected member of Parliament for Newtown, before he received his present commission. The Gov, Governor Dudley, accordins: to instructions from the crown, bui"dii/The ^^'^^ Strongly urged the General Court, in his first speech, to ^o^' .at Pern- make appropriations for rebuilding the fort at Pemaquid. The foundations (he said) were entire. — most of the walls were stand- ing,— lime in great plenty could be made in the vicinity ; — the entrenchments remained, and if a garrison were established there, it would be the means of keeping possession of the country, and affording relief in emergency. Besides all this, he expected, the Queen would probably, at the expanse of the crown, man it with a hundred soldiers. He wished to see the eastern provinces in a flourishing and safe condition ; and he did not hesitate to say, that in his opinion, Port-Royal itself might be captured, by two ships and a thousand men. But the House of Representatives opposed building the fort. They thought the Province unable to bear the expense ; and if the establishment were renewed, it must be maintained, and a wider seaboard defended ; Falmouth being the remotest eastern settlement yet revived since the last war. May, 1703. At the general election in May, 1703, the Governor gave his 5 Coundf. negative to five of the new elected Council ; who were men of talents, popularity and influence. But he remembered the part they acted in his arrest and imprisonment, fourteen years before, and he was not disposed to repress his resentments. In other re- spects, he manfully applied his splendid abilities, his courtly man- lors. Chap, i.] of maine. 35 ners, and his extensive knowledge, to render all the acts of his a.d. 1703. administration acceptable to every class of people. As hostilities between the English and French crowns had ^ r^n^of °^ _ ^ _ Indian lios- commenced in Europe ; a war with the Indians appeared inevit- ^iiities. able. The first intelligence he received of a meditated attack, was from Lord Cornbury, Governor of New-York. He stated, that if the stories of the christian natives were worthy of credit, a mixed army of French and Indians, were preparing to make a descent upon Deerfield, and perhaps upon some other frontier settlements in Massachusetts, or possibly in Maine. Full of solicitude to know the temper and disposition of the Gov. Dud- eastern Sagamores, Gov. Dudley sent them messages, by which wUh'thl^" he requested them to meet him on the 20th of June, upon Casco junemh^' peninsula in Falmouth. Attended by a considerable retinue, '"^ ^^sco. consisting of gentlemen belonging to the legislatures of Massa- chusetts and New-Hampshire, and many other respectable indi- viduals, he had the pleasure of a conference with a large delega- tion from the Penacooks, the Sokokis, the Anasagunticooks, the Canibas, and the Tarratines.* All the Indians appeared to great advantage. They were well armed, — handsomely clad, — some of them fancifully decorated — and the most of their faces so painted, as to give them looks truly terrific. Probably no one tribe was so fully represented as the Anasagunticooks ; for about 250 of them arrived, in a flotilla of 65 canoes. A tent was spread, large enough to enclose and accommodate the Governor and his attendants, with the principal Sagamores and Sachems. Among these, when seated, the English promiscuously dispersed themselves; being not wholly without apprehensions for their own safety. The Governor, arisins:, addressed the Indian assemblage to this ' ^ ' ^ ° The confer- purport : — / have come to you, commissioned by the great and ence. good queen of England. I would esteem you all as brothers and friends. Yes, it is even my wish to reconcile every difficulty, whatever, that has happened since the last treaty. After a short interval, Capt. Simmo, the chief speaker, gravely replied ; * The Sag'amores were Adiwando and Hegen, Penacooks ; Waltanum- moriy of Peg-wacket [Saco] ; JSIesamhomell and Wexar. from Androscoggin ; Moxus and (another) Hopehood, of Norridgewock ; Bomaseen and Capt. Samuely of Kennebeck; and Warrungunt and Wanadugunbuent^ from Penohscol.-^Penhallow's Indian Wars,— I Coll. JsT. H. Hut. Soc. p. 20. 36 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1705 We thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk with us. It is a great favor. The clouds fly and darken — but we still sing with love the songs of peace. Believe my words. — So far as the sun is above the earth ; — are our thoughts from war, or the least rupture between us. They then presented the Governor with a belt of wampam, — the usual token of sincerity and good faith ; and received at his hands several flattering pres- ents, with much apparent satisfaction. The parties then repaired to two stone pillars or heaps of portable rocks, pitched at a former treaty, called by the significant name Two Brothers, where the solemn professions of friendship were further ratified by the addi- tion of other stones. The parley had evidently been commenced by the Sagamores, with some degree of reluctance. Wattanummon said, their council was incomplete. Consequently, wishing to have the treaty embrace as many tribes as could be drawn into it, the Gov- ernor submitted to some delays in the negotiation, which was in progress two or three days, before it was finished. Several sub- jects were discussed ; and it was finally agreed, that trading houses should be established, the price of commodities stated and settled, and an armorer provided at the public charge. Boma- seen and Captain Samuel, frankly acknowledged, that *' several " missionaries from the friars, lately among them, had endeav- " ored to break the union and seduce them from their allegiance " to the crown of England, but had made no impressions on them, " for they were, (he said) as firm as the great rocks, and should " continue so as long as the sun and moon endured." S*^""*^'" happy conclusion of this interview was confirmed by firing a grand round on each side. In this ceremony, the Indians were requested to take the lead. They admitted the compliment and fired first. Their treachery was now abundantly manifest ; for it was perceived that their guns had all been loaded with bul- lets : — so charged, probably with intent to have made the En- glish the victims of the negotiation, had they not been promiscu- ously seated in the general meeting, among the Sagamores. Ac- cessions of 200 French and Indians, three days afterwards, con- firmed the suspicions, that in the delays requested, the Sagamores only awaited their arrival, when, with their aid, they would have probably seized the Governor and his attendants, and sacrificed Chap, i.] OF MAINE 37 the inhabitants at pleasure. If these circumstances, however, A. d. 1703. cast no just imputations upon the fidelity of the Indians, "every " thing assumed the promising aspect of a settled peace." As usual on such occasions, they made themselves merry with sing- ing, dancing, and raising loud shouts, or acclamations of joy. The result of the conference on the whole, greatly revived the n^^pes of desponding hearts of the people, and enlivened their hopes, that p^ace."*''* this country might escape the awful destiny of another Indian war, " The eastern inhabitants, says Mr. Penhallow,^ who before had *• thoughts of removing, were now encouraged to stand their " ground ; several more were also preparing to settle among them, " partly from the fertility of the soil, the plenty of timber, the " advantage of fishery, and several other inducements as well as from encouragements offered them by proprietors and by gov- ernment. But all these prospects were mere illusions, which subsequent events speedily dissipated. * His " History of the wars of IN ew-England with the eastern Indians." -p. 5. I The population of New-Eng-land has been variously estimated : — In 1692, at 200,000.-39 Univ. Hist. p. 323.— In 1696, at 100,000, and in 1701, at 120,000.-2 Holmes' A. Ann. p. 31-54.— In 1750, at 354,000.-2 Doug. Summ. p. 180. These cannot all be correct. The quotas of men to be fur- nished in 1701, [1 Belk. H. 246, Note *J to assist New- York ag-ainst the Indians, were thus : — Mass. and Maine, 350 ; Connecticut, 120 ; Rhode Island, 48 ; New-Hampshire, 40 ; New- York, 200 ; East and West Jersey, 120; Pennsylvania, 80; Maryland, 160, and Virginia, 240.~But the popu- lation of Massachusetts, in 1742, was. 164,000; of Rhode-Island, in 1738, 15,000;— the towns of New-Hampshire, A. D. 1699, were only five. Hence the -probable population in Kew-England^ A. D. 1703, was at least 150,000 s — viz. Massachusetts, 70,000 Rhode-Island, 12,000 New-Plymouth, 15,000 New-Hampshire, 12,000 Connecticut, 35,000 Maine, 5 or 6,000 120,000 -1 80,000=150,000. 38 THE HISTOHY [Vol. 11. CHAPTER II. The third Indian loar — The French draw some of the Eastern Tribes to St. Francois and Becancourt — The Colonists and In- dians— Mischief done by the latter ; and the former despoil the habitation of Castine the younger — The Indians attack at once, 5 of the eastern towns— The enemy repulsed at Casco — Black- point, York and Berwick attacked — Bounties for scalps — Pc- quods stationed at Berwick — Col. Church's Gth E. Expedition — Saco fort defensible — Hilton's scout — Exchange of prisoners — Illicit trade to Nova Scotia suspected — Gov. Dudley urges the rebuilding of the fort at Pemaquid — Mischiefs done at York and Kittcry — Indians tired of the war — Hilton' s feats at Black-point — Col March's expedition against Port-Royal — Attacks on the re- maining toivns in Maine — A smart skirmish at Saco — Also at Berjvick — 3Jiserics of Maine — Rumors of a contemplated attack from Canada — Nicholson' s proposed expedition against Port-Roy- al— Gov. Dudley's remarks — Port-Royal captured, changed to Annapolis, and Vetch appointed Governor — Mission of Living- ston and the younger Castine to Quebec — Attacks by the Indians — Chiefs go to England — Expedition against Canada fruitless — 26 persons killed iti Maine — Skirmish at Wells — Treaty of Utrecht — Peace negotiated with the Indians at Portsmouth — Incidents of the war — Character of Bomasecn, Assacombuit and Castine the younger. A. D. 1703. An Indian war always has associations, which Strike the mind The Indian with pain. So shocking to the attributes of hunaanity, are the cir- cumstances, which frequently attend its progress, that were ca- lamities, cruelties, carnage and suffering, or even personal exploits and hardships, its only characteristics, it might justly be consider- ed a burden to history. But every war with the natives, devel- opes facts and peculiarities, worthy of the notice it claims. It has its own features and own cast of character. l$t,orking The first one would have been a fair sample of savage war- pjimp's {^x^^ had not the Indian warriors used firearms, instead of the bow and arrow. Skulk, ambush, surprize and massacre, were its traits and footsteps, from beginning to end. They fought single-handed, without the arts or aid of Europeans. Their Chap, ii.] OF MAINE 39 numbers were respectable, and their motives comparatively noble. A. D. 1703. For though their design was partly to avenge themselves of in- juries ; it was principally to disperse the obtrusive settlers, and recover their entire native country. King Philip's war was short, continuing only about three years. By a long one, they are al- ways tired and exhausted. The time chosen by them for closing it, was in the height of their successes, when they could com- mand for themselves an honorable peace. The next war was in a trreat decree instigated and manasjed 2^,-. '^'"g o ° o ° William's by the French; who had made themselves thoroughly acquaint- war. ed with the disposition and habitudes of the Indians, and the springs by which their subserviency could be completely control- led. The Jesuits had strongly infected their superstition and pre- judices, with papal fanaticism. The Canadian French had en- titled themselves to great merit, in the estimation of the Indians, by furnishing them with arms and ammunition, — leading them to war, — fighting by their side, — and helping them to achieve vic- tories. Campaign, siege, undermining, and other arts of war- fare, were taught and promoted ; captives and scalps were con- sidered the greatest trophies ; premiums being offered and paid for them by the French. — The latter was a long war, lasting about ten years ; for after they had sued for peace and entered into treaties, French artifice was able to give the savages an effectual impulse to acts of treachery, their vengeance was re- kindled, and their minds inflated with new-formed expeditions. Another, called Queen Anne's war, now opened under circum- 3d, or stances differing from either of those preceding. A short inter- Anne's war. val of peace had, in no considerable degree, recruited the strength of the Indians. They saw that their tribes were thinned ; and that they had gained nothing permanent by former wars. Every hope of enjoying their native land, freed of white men, was full of despondency. Their fathers had conveyed extensive territories, and what was recovered in war, if any thing, was presently lost in peace, if ^not actually resigned by treaty. They agreed with the French, in their aversion to the English, and in a hatred of their free politics and religious sentiments; and when such passions, in minds undisciplined, are inflamed by fanaticism, they know neither restraint nor limits. All their acquaintance with the arts of civilized life, seemed rather to abase, than ele- vate their character. They made no advancements in mental 40 A.D. 1703. The Freiic'u. Becancourt -and Si. vFraiicois. The French draw the sh a lie red tribes to thai place. THE HISTORY [VoL. II. culture, moral sense, honest industry, or manly enterprize. In- fatuated with the notion of catholic indulgences, they grew bolder inranimosity, insolence and crime ; their enmity was more im- placable ; their habits more depraved ; and a keener appetite was given for ardent spirits, for rapine, and for blood. Dupes to the French, they lost all regard to the sanctity of treaty obliga- tions ; and Indian Jaith among the English, became as proverbi- ally bad, as the Punic, among the ancient Romans^ Their natu- ral love of country had degenerated, and their fire uf patriotism was evidently abating. Aware of the fact, and observing the Indians averse to wars, which reduced their numbers, without any other considerable emoluments or rewards, than the few spoils taken, Callieres,* the Canadian Governor, adopted a new expedient, which was ardently prosecuted by M. de Vaudreuil, his successor. They persuaded the shattered tribes to collect and settle at Becancourt and St. Francois in Canada ; — two small rivers, which empty into the St. Lawrence on the southerly side, — the one formerly the Perante, about 80, and the other 90 miles above Quebec. The Indian village of Becancourt is situated at a small dis- tance above the mouth of the river ; consisting of several wig- wams in a cluster, favored with a chapel, and accommodated with a ferry over the St. Lawrence to Trois Revieres on the op- posite shore. That of St Franpois on the eastern side of the same river, six miles from its mouth, is " a most eligible sit- *' nation." It soon became a large hamlet of wigwams, adorn- ed with a chapel and parsonage-house, and furnished with a mis- sionary and interpreter. f To these places, the French had the address to draw the wan- dering Wawenocks, the Sokokis, the Anasagunticooks, and also the Algonquins, from Trois Revieres ; who, intermingling, formed what have since been called " the St. Franpois Indians." At these places, designed to be the rendezvous of the natives, the French intended to command their trade and plunder ; to plan their excursions, and direct their motions against the English fron- Vaudreuil, late Governor of Montreal, was a any of his predecessors. — 40 Univ. Hist. p. * He died, May 26, 1703. man of abilities superior to 136. t Jeffreys, p. 9-11. — T. Hutchinson's Topograph. Description, p. Bouchetf 8 Canada, p. 33S. 6*7. Chap, ii.] of Maine. 41 tiers ; and likewise to make them a defence against the Mohawks, A.D. 1703. in case of war with that people.* At present the latter were in a state of neutrality with the French, who were determined, in the opening war, to avail themselves of this and every other ad- vantage. Their remarkable successes, in 'ihe late one, were, in the eagerness of anticipation, only preludes to complete victories. In these savage wars, the English settlers and their assistants The English colonists. fought altogether on the defensive. All parts of the country hold- en under charter or purchase, or broken from a wilderness into fields of partial cultivation or clearing, were considered by the men of this generation, as rightfully belonging to them in fee. — Here were their only homes, and even the birth-places of many, whose attachments to the country were enlivened by natal patriot* ic ardor. Duty as well as inclination impelled them to defend it, at every hazard and every sacrifice. Though torn or driven away from it in the late war, they had determined not to abandon it ; — their spirits were not fatally broken, nor their courage subdued* Personal exertion, intrepidity and exploits had often reflected im- perishable honor even upon their defeats. Valor is in truth fre- quently more genuine when personal ; and human nature shines with brighter lustre, when the merit is individual. Many of the dead were mantled in glory, and the living, though anxious for a continuance of peace, were not backward to put on armor, when- ever duty or country might require. The}^ believed, however, if the Indians were left to themselves, they would not recommence hostilities. But no measures, neither courtesies, presents, nor the sacred The Indians renewal of treaty-engagements, could keep ihem quiet. When arKpm.e-*^* there was war between the English and French crowns, it was Jll^ tn^'i'jsh impossible for their colonies to be at rest. A plan of operations, J;ou„eer contrived by the French, was now evidently maturing in Canada, ^'^sime's In the meantime, the impatient Indians were guilty of some mis- chief at Kennebeck, and a small party of Englishmen) unadvised, rashly committed an outrage at Penobscot, the late residence of Baron de Castine. — He had himself, since the last war, gone with his accumulated riches to France, never to return j leaving a son by a Tarratine wife, before mentioned, known by the name phiiider the 3 ouiiee Castine hou.se. * 1 Doug. Summ. p. 12.— 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 131.— 5 Charlevoix's N. F. p, 164-177. Vol. II. 6 42 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1703. of ' Castine the younger.^ Under tlie mask of pretended friend- ship, the foolish and wicked men visited his house, at 'Biguyduce [Castine], and besides perpetrating " great spoil," plundered it of all its most valuable articles. Every one looked upon the transaction as a base treachery ; and when he complained to the government, he was assured, that ample restitution should be made and the ofienders severely punished. This act of violence occasioned much deeper regrets, because there were daily appre- hensions of hostilities from the Indians, and a general resolution to give them no provocation. Outrageous, however, as it was, the well-minded sufferer only complained and expostulated, with- out avenging himself; for in policy and sentiment h<8 was the friend of tranquillity. The Indians The, tribes, on the contrary, were induced to join the war ; and \Veiis, fifty days after renewing the treaty of Casco, mentioned,* a po^ise, Sac'o, ^°^y hundred men, mostly Indians under French leaders, and^ai-' ' ^^^^ upon the eastern frontiers. Tliey divided themselves into six mouih. or seven parties, and at the same time, (August 10th,) attacked Wells, Cape-Porpoise, Saco, Scarborough, Spurwink, Purpooduck and Casco, being the principal settlements which had revived since the close of the last war. Wells, which had defended itself with so much bravery and success, in the two former wars, was now assailed with such violence, that in a short time it sustained a loss of thirty-nine killed and taken, besides the wounded. — Cape-Porpoise, inhabited principally by unshielded fishermen, was wholly desolated. The garrison at Winter-harbor, and the fort at the head of the tide, in Saco, fought the assailants with great spirit, till at last, the former, overpowered by numbers alto- gether superior, was compelled to submit to terms of capitula- tion ;f and the latter was barely able to make good its defence ; having several killed and wounded. The people of Scarborough happened to be mostly in garrison ; and the enemy, fearful or unwilling to encounter it, sent in a captive with a flag of truce. Fully acquainted with their perfidy and intrigues, and conse- quently paying no regard to the message, the commanding officer kept the captive and vigorously resisted a long siege — till he and his men were extremely exhausted, and on the verge of capture ; * 2 British Empire, p. 87. I In the assault of this fort, 11 were kilie.I, 24 taken prisoners and car- ried into captivity. — FoJsoin., j). 198. Chap, ii.] of Maine. 43 when happily a reentbrcement arrived and administered seasona- A. D. 1703. ble relief. But none of the settlements suffered so severely as Spurivink and Purpooduck, in Falmouth ; these were entirely destroyed. In Spurwink. principally inhabited by the Messrs. Jordans and their families, twenty-two were killed and taken cap- tive. Purpooduck, containing nine families, unprotected by any fortification, was attacked when there was not a man at home. Here th.e savage enemy butchered twenty-five and carried away eight prisoners. Among other horrid spectacles, was the body of Michael Webber's wife, near confinement, who was mangled and exposed in a manner too shocking to be described. The garrison at Casco, still the remotest eastern frontier, was A decoy under the command of Major March. The first knowledge he bascofort. had of tlie enemy's approach, was in the appearance of a small party, under Moxus, Wanongonet and Assacombuit, who exhib- ited themselves unarmed, and sent him a message under a flag of truce ; pretending they had some important matter to communi- cate. Apprehending no immediate danger, he proceeded with a guard of only two or three men, to hold a parley. With the first words uttered, each of the Indians drew from his mande, a hidden hatchet, and struck at March with great violence — at the same instant, an ambush rising, sliot one of his attendants to the ground. March, being a man of great personal courage and strength, wrested a hatchet from one of the assailants; and while he was parrying the blows aimed at his head, Hook, his sergeant, with a file of ten men from the fort, rescued him from immediate death. In this affray, two of his companions, Phippenny and Kent, were slain. They were worthy men, yet unfitted by age and debility, to act as champions. Disheartened by this bold and unexpected rebuff, the enemy withdrew, and for a week, lurked around, upon the peninsula ; setting fire lo the slender houses and cottages in the vicinity, and committing still baser acts of mischief. But when the main body of the en- emy, not less than 500 in number, had collected, they proceeded to Casco, under the command of Mons. Bobasser, to renew the work of destruction. They first took a sloop, two shallops and considerable plunder ; and encouraged by success, they strove two days and nights, to undermine the fort from the water side, as had been done in the last war. Soon the English must 44 THE HISTORY [VoL. II, A.D. 1703. have submitted to a capitulation or to death, had not the fortunate arrival of Capt. South wick in the province galley prevented. He raised the siege, retook the shallops, and scattering the ene^ About 500 my's flotilla of about 200 canoes, put him to flijrht. There of Iho eiie- *' ^ . . myrepuis- were at least one hundred and fifty-five of the English killed and Our loss Ic6 taken in these several attacks; which, with others in different places, alarmed the whole frontier settlements from Casco to ConnecUcut river, The country beine; thus thrown into fearful confusion : the wo- Two troops . . . of horse, men and children retired to the garrisons. The men went armed to their work, and ported sentinels in the fields. A troop of horse was quartered at Portsmouth, and another under Capt. Wadley, at Wells, Three hundred and sixty men were marched by or- Sept.26. of Governor Dudley, Sept 26, towards Pegwacket, one of the enemy's principal head-quarters, and another party, under Capt. Davis, went to Ossipee ponds, but made no discoveries. People at The enemy still infested the eastern seaboard, determined to kiU'<i:Iud' desolate every settlement and reduce every garrison. As Cap- ^ba'ildoi'ied. tain Hunnewell and 19 of his neighbors, at Black-point, were going to work in the meadows, Oct. 6, ihey were waylaid by 200 Indians, and all except one were killed or taken captive. The fort there, left under the command of Lieut. Wyatt, and manned by only eight men, was the next object of attack. En^* coura^ed and supported by Captains Willard and Wells, two shipmasters, then ia the harbor with their vessels and crews, the fort made a bold resistance, till nearly exhausted ; when the brave defendants, influenced by the dictates of discretion, retired on board one of the vesselis. With a great shout, the triumphant enemy now set the deserted garrison on fire. Anoth- er party led on by one Sampson, against York, slew the family of York and Arthur Brai>:don, consistins; of his wife and five children ; and Berwick at- ° ° ' lacked. carried Mrs. Hannah Parsons, a widow woman, and her young daughter into captivity. f At Berwick, five fell into an ambush ; — - one was killed, one wounded, and the other three made prison* * Charlevoisc[Bd vo!. J\r. F. p. 423^9] says, 250 men were sent out this year under Hertel, to assist the Abpnaques, who made 15U prisoners— be» sides those slain, f This is supposed to be the g-lrl, whom the savagies on their march, in 1706, being linsnccessfiil in hunting^, pre[)arcd " a fire to roast, when a dog, falling in their way, supplied the child's place." — 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 149. Chap, ii.] of Maine. 45 ers. Also, two houses were burned, and a descent made upon a.d. i703. Andrew Neale's garrison of the same place, which was under the command of Capt. Brown. In this, the assailants were quite unsuccessful, being repulsed wnth a loss of nine killed upon the spot, and as many wounded. Unable otherwise to retaliate, they lastened Joseph Ring, a captive, to a stake, and burnt him to death ; raising hideous shouts at his agonies and groans. Indians were still strolling about Casco ; and as a store-ship, intended for the relief of the garrison, was entering the harbor, they killed the master and three men at the first shot, and w^ounded two others in the boat. The enemy then retiring to the woods, were pursued by Maj. p^^^my March, of Casco, at the head of 300 men, as far as Pegwacket. '.vj^'",?'' At this place he killed six, and made prisoners of six more — the ^^'''^i'- first reprisals in the war ; — returning laden with considerable plunder. Hence, the Legislatures of Massachusetts and New- Hampshire were encouraged to offer a bounty of £20, for every Indian prisoner under ten years ; and twice that sum for every Bmmtips of- one older or for his scalp. Moved by so liberal a premium, scalps" Capt. Tyng of Falmouth,* and others, made excursions in the depth ot winter, upon snow-shoes, though without success ; the enemy being engaged in an expedition against Deerfieldf and other western settlements. The government was determined, if possible, to keep possession of Saco, and therefore at the expense ^^^^ ^^^^ of £164, repaired the garrison near the falls. f repaired. The returning spring was a season of distressing melancholy- — jy ^^q^ aggravated by an early renewal of hostilities or alarms and as ll^Ji"',!^^ Berwick was an important pass, Major Mason was posted there, i^erwick. with 95 Pequods and Mohegans, from Connecticut; who were at first a great terror to the enemy. Nevertheless, they did not cover the settlement ; for on the 25th of April, Nathaniel Mea- dar was shot dead, when at work in his field, and his body most barbarously mangled ; and about the same time, two men were killed, and one taken on the road in Wells. Afterwards, a par- ty fell on York, where they slew Matthew Austin near the garri- son, without being able to do any more mischief in this visit. * Sou of Col. Edward Tyng-. t Od the last day of Feb, 1704, 250 Indians, under Mons. Artel or « Her- tel" destroyed Deerfield, carrying- away Rev. Mr. Williams, and many others — See his " Redeemed Captive^* Sfc. \ Mass. Rec. p. 2-3. 46 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.I). 1704. The bold and persevering incursions of tlie enemy into Maine, S'-asirri. ^^^^ towns wcstward ; and the appearance of French priva- expeditiou. iQQYs upon the coast, induced the government to adopt wider plans and more efficient measures. The truth was, an attempt to de- fend and secure a frontier, open and exposed in a hundred places, was utterly vain. Policy required, that the war should to be car- ried into the enemy's country, and the conquest of Canada and Nova Scotia achieved, whence all our evils flowed ; such being evidently the only means of acquiring a permanent and lasting peace. In furtherance of this plan, it was deemed expedient first, to scour the eastern coast, and if practicable, discover and break up the head-quarters of the Indians, in the interior, also to carry retaliation and dismay, among the Acadian provincials. Hence, a force of 550 men besides officers was raised, and the command given to the celebrated Church.^' now holding a Col- onel's commission. Furnished with 14 transports, 36 whale- boats, and a scout-shallop, he sailed from Boston, May 21, under convoy of the Jersey and Gosportf ships of war, attended by the Province galley. The particular places of destination ap- pointed him, were Metinicus, Penobscot, Mount Desert, Machias, Passamaquoddy, and the settlements upon the bay of Fundy ; likewise Norridgewock on his return, if there were a lodgment of the enemy at that place. His sick and wounded, he was di- rected to send either to the garrison at Casco, or to Pepperell's fort at Kittery-point. „ . . The little fleet came to anchor at the Island Metinicus, out of Ho visits ' Pei.obscot Penobscot bay ; from which Col, Church sent out two boats to bay. ' one of the Green Islands, where three French residents, a father and two sons, by the name of Lafavre, and also a Canadian In- dian, were all taken into custody. The prisoners were sullen and obstinate, unwilling to answer enquiries or act as pilots, till they were terrified by threats, or softened by promises ; when they became submissive, and' stated, that there were several fami- lies of French and Indians, living about the margin of the Penob- scot; and that Mons. Gourdon and Sharkee, French officers, who * John Gorham was his ]/ieut. Col. and Winthrop Hilton his Major. His captains were John Brown, Constant Church, James Cole, John Dyer, John Cooke, Caleb Williamson, Edward Church, Joshua Lamb, Isaac Mirick, John Harradon. — Church's oth Expeditions p. 165. t One of 48 ^uns, Cypt. Smith; the other of 32 f^-uns, Capt. Rogers, Chap, ii.] of Maine. 47 had lately furnished them and the informants with ammunition A D. 1704. and other necessaries, were then engaged in building a fort at Passamaquoddy. Church, under pilotage of the prisoners and one Young, taken out of Boston gaol for the purpose, proceeded with several of his transports and whale-boats, into the bay and river of Penob- scot. In this excursion, " he killed and took a considerable num- ber both of French and Indians;" and among the captives w^ere baron de Castine's daughter, and her children. She represented, that her husband had gone to visit her father in France, where he, since leaving this country, was living on a large estate. At Mount Desert, Col. Church joined the three ships of war, Ranges the . ^ roast to and taking a fresh supply of provisions, hastened into the waters Passama- of the Passamaquoddy, at the head of his men, in whale boats, skirmish Through fear of alarming the enemy, he rowed by night and rest- ed by day ; never permitting a gun to be discharged, even at an Indian, provided he could be otherwise killed or taken. Church and his men went ashore upon an Island, June 7th, probably Moose Island, where they made prisoners of a French woman and her children ; and from the main, near her abode, they took M. Lotriell and his family. In ascending the river, they seized upon Gourdon and his family, and Sharkee and his domestics, both lately commissioned from Canada, to form an expedition against the English. They were at the time dwelling in tempo- rary cottages ; and that .of Sharkee was plundered of some valuable articles. Church, observing his men hover around the dwelling of Gourdon, demanded the reason : — Because, as one replied, some of the people within will not come out. In a fit of passion or haste. Church exclaimed, then kill them. Instantly the in- habitants received a discharge from the soldiers, and several fell. The faults and blemishes of eminent men, are often too severely censured. Church was highly provoked, to observe so much insubordination and exposure of his men, occasioned by the obsti- nacy of those who ought to submit without resistance ; yet he could frame no excuses entirely sufficient, to satisfy a sensitive public. He then proceeded as far as the falls of the river, in the work of capture and destruction ; Chartiers, a French offi- cer and resident, being the only one who escaped.* * 1 Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. p. 32-35.-2 Hutch. Hist. p. 133. 48 THE HISTORY [Voii. II. A. D, 1704. Next the armament sailed into the bay of Fundy, and there ^|^'"'rch vis- divided ; — the ships of war proceeding against Port-Royal, and of Fiuuiy. the whale-boats against the remoter settlements. After destroy- ing Minas [Horton] and two other "populous villages," and mak- ing several prisoners, Church rejoined the ships in the harbor of Port-Royal. But a council of war, called July 4, misappre- hending the strength of the fortress, determined not to attack it ; and the ships sailed for Boston.^ Cliurch then laid waste the Finisiies his ^^"^"^'T ^hout Cliicgnecto ; and visiting Passamaquoddy, Mount fioii'^^^''^ ■^^^^'"^j Penobscot and Casco on his return, finished his fifth and last eastern expedition, about three months after its commence- ment; receiving from the legislature, as a reward for his services, a vote of public thanks. Gov. Dudley in his next speech to the General Court represented, that ' Col. Church had destroyed alt * the settlements in the vicinity of Port-Royal, and taken 100 * prisoners and a large amount of plunder, with the loss of only * six men.' This expedition, while it in a great degree averted from Maine, the hostilities of the enemy through the season, f was a most destructive one to the ill-fated Acadians.f Church was an officer who made thorough work, and carried retaliation in this instance far enough : For their condition, in view of winter, was truly wretched ; they, until now, having never experienced the direful distresses so often brought, by their French and savage coadjutors, upon the English settlements. The principal sufferers in this war, were the people of Mas- Massaobu- sachusctts, New-Hampshire and Maine. Their frontier was a Hampshire sheltcr to the rest of New-England, — or it was defended at their tile suffer-^ cxpcnsc, both of livcs and means. The government of New- war." '^"^ York had entered into a treaty with the Six Nations^ or Mo- hawks ; who had engaged to observe strict neutrality both towards the English and the French. Nothing surely could be more grateful to the inhabitants of that Province ; as it favored a lu- crative trade with the Indians, which the Provincials would, by * According- to one account, [40 Univ. Hist. p. 152,] Port-Roj'al owed its deliverance to 60 Canadians and St. Castine the young-er, who had thrown themselves into the fort the day before the English appeared io the basin. f The enemy " killed a lad near Casco foTt.'^—Penhallow. I Church's 5th Expedition, p. 158-193. {, Sometimes called the " Five ISations." Chap, ii.] of Maine. 49 no means, have disturbed. It however occasioned great com- A D 1705. plaint in Massachusetts ; for the plunder, taken from the frontier settlements eastward of Connecticut river, was often merchandize in Albany. On the contrary, the French, who had suffered so much in the wars with that fierce and savage people, soon saw and realized the great benefits of the neutrality ; and therefore, permitted no hostile movements to proceed against any part of New-York. Massachusetts, in her provident care of Maine, being stiJl de- J^efenceof termined to keep possession of Saco, ordered, that the fort stand- scout' to ing at the head of the tide be dismantled and abandoned, as it wock!^^ was originally erected only to cover the Indian trade ; and that the one at Winter-Harbor be strengthened and put in the best posture of defence. Moreover, in the winter, when the snow was four feet deep, Col. Hilton, who had been a Major in the late expedition under Church, was sent by government with two hun- dred and seventy men, including twenty Indians, to Norridge- wock, on snow-shoes. They took twenty days' provision with them; the season for their march was favorable ; and seldom, if ever, were the fatigues of a winter campaign undertaken and en- dured with more fortitude and patriotism ; the officers themselves having only the pay of soldiers. Arriving, they were, after all, disappointed, for they found none of the enemy ; — nothing but *' a large chapel with a vestry" and deserted wigwams, all which they reduced to ashes. This and the successful enterprizes of Church and others the last year, had greatly provoked the French ; and in January, Subercase, late ruler of Placentia, having sue- g^bgrcase ceeded Brouillon in the government of Nova Scotia, made a bold fj^^f^^jj^. descent upon the Islands, Newfoundland and St. John's, at the land, head of 550 men, collected in Canada and about Port-Royal ; in which he was assisted by a body of savages under the noted chief Assacombuit. Great ravages were made among the settle- ments, many of the English were killed, and 140 taken prisoners. By this time the belligerents felt their respective prisoners to be a burthen ; and in May, Gov. Vaudreuil despatched from Can- of^p'S-Loners ada to Boston, Capt. Hill, who had been taken captive the last year in Wells, and directed him to negotiate an exchange. On his arrival, he was able to communicate to mourning friends the intelligence, that there were of their countrymen, about 117 in Vol. II 7 50 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1705. charge of the government, and 70 with the Indians. William Dudley, a son of the Governor, and several other gentlemen were appointed commissioners to Quebec ; and with them were sent 70 prisoners, and yet only 60 were obtained in return. Guilty of detestable hypocrisy, Vaudreuil pretended, that " the Indians *• were an independent and freeborn people ; and that he had no " right nor power to demand their captives whereas they were, in fact, well known to be entire dupes or vassals to his will. How- ever, the mission of the Governor's son was protracted several months, under pretence either of effecting a farther exchange of prisoners, or of negotiating a neutrality ; — though his continu- ance there, was in truth a matter of policy, to delay excursions or sallies against the English frontiers. Vetch dnd Afterwards, William Rowse was sent twice with a vessel and cused oTil- flag of truce to Nova Scotia ; but returned with only 24 deliver- licit trade. Captivity. As deep suspicions shaded his conduct, he, as principal, his friend Samuel Vetch, subsequently Governor of Nova Scotia, and two merchants of Boston, as accomplices, were charged with carrying on thither an illicit trade, whereby the en- emy was furnished with military stores ; and consequently they were thrown into prison. Yet they finally escaped heavy penal- ties, only because the queen refused to sign the legislative acts, passed for their punishment. Gov. Dud- There were furthermore whispers, that the Governor himself, Jey uupopu- concerned in this disgraceful traffic ; and he found it difficult to wipe off the unjust aspersion, deepened as it was by popular prejudice. His notions of government, it is true, had too much of an aristocratic tincture ; and he was far from having the gen- eral love and esteem of the people. Nay, it was expected, at one time, that he would be removed, and Sir Charles Hobby appointed to the executive chair. The Governor's influence was certainly limited, and his unpopularity, a check to public meas- ures, if not an embarrassment to the prosecution of the war. Urges the According to the instructions of the ministry, he again urged oM"ema5 upon the General Court, to rebuild the fort at Pemaquid, and to an? Repair- Contribute towards the repairs and support of fort William and vJfn[°"nd Mary* on Great Island opposite Kittery. But the House thought Mary. Pemaquid to be * out of the usual road traversed by the Indians ; * See ante, A. D. 17J0. Chap, ii.] of Maine, 51 * and being an hundred miles distant from any English planta- a. d. no6. * tion, it was merely a place of occasional anchorage for coasters * or fishing boats, and could be of no great benefit — no " bridle " to the enemy — no barrier to our frontier." The original ex- * pense of erecting it was great — not less than £20,000 ; and * the charge of rebuilding and supporting it, would be greater * than the Province could possibly sustain.' — In excuse for not complying with the other proposition, the House replied, that the fort was originally built at the charge of New-Hampshire, and to her it properly belonged ; that the whole expense of the repairs was only about £500 — a sum not equal to the quota of several single towns in Massachusetts, for one year's charge of the pres- ent war ; that all the trade and navigation on the northern as well as southern side of the river Piscataqua, paid an excise towards the maintenance of the fortification ; and that Massachu- setts had been at great expense in the protection of New-Hamp- shire, and of the parties employed in procuring timber and masts for the crown ; while the latter Province had done nothing towards the support of the garrisons, the land-forces, and sea- fencibles, though as truly protective of her as of Maine or Mas- sachusetts. Equally unsuccessful was the Governor in urging upon the Legislature another proposition, which was the estab- Governor's lishment of settled salaries, for the two first executive officers of ^^'^'^^* the Province ; the Governor being usually allowed an annual sti- pend of only £500. Through the summer and autumn, our cruisers were continu- r^ ° ' Our vessel! ally on the eastern coast ; nevertheless, the French privateers seized and , ^ carried to took seven of our vessels and carried them into Port-Royal. Pon-RoyaJ. Nor could the remaining towns and plantations in Maine prevent j^j^^^^ or escape attacks and losses, though they had regular sentries, J*^^^^^' nightwatches and videttes perpetually in service ; for they lost, during the season, as many as twenty-one or two of their inhab- itants, killed or carried into captivity. In Kittery, at Spruce- Creek, five were slain and as many made captives. Among the former was Mrs. Hoel, a gentlewoman of very respectable connex- ions and fine accomplishments. Enoch Hutchins lost his wife and children ; John Rogers, three weeks after, was dangerously wounded ; and James Toby was shot. Another party of eighteen Indians, rushing from the woods, October 15th, seized Mr. Sto- rer's four children, near the garrison at Cape-Neddock, in York. 52 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1705. One, being too young to travel, they knocked on the head, and another they afterwards killed, probably amid torture, out of re- taliatory revenge, according to savage usage ; because one of the assailants was shot down on his retreat. A. D. 1706. There were some apprehensions of an attack upon the frontier in the subsequent winter ; owing principally to intelligence receiv- ed from Col. Schuyler of Albany, that a force of 270 men was preparing to march from Canada to some place unknown. There- fore Governor Dudley, ever watchful of the enemy, gave orders for a circular scouting march, once a month, round the head of the towns, from Kingston, N. H. to Salmon Falls.— The enemy Cruellies of first appeared in Maine, at Kittery, April 29, where a party of at Kiue'ry!^ them rising from an ambush, upon Mr, Shapleigh and his son, as they were travelling through the town, killed the father and car- ried the' son to Canada. On their march, the savages exhibited a specimen of their barbarous disposition ; for they bit off the ends of their young prisoner's fingers, and to prevent their bleed- ing, seared them with burning-hot tobacco-pipes. There were likewise other instances of cruelty. One Sampson, an overgrown savage, undertook to hang Rebecca Taylor, his prisoner, with his girdle tied around her neck and drawn over the limb of a tree. But, unexpectedly, his girdle broke, and she, half suspended, fell. This so exasperated the monster, that he was about to plunge his hatchet into her head, when the noted Bomaseen, passing that way, humanely rescued the fair sufferer from her pains and perils. Ravages in Much mischief was perpetrated, this summer, by the Indians, ^eufand^N. ^t Dover, Exctcr, and Dunstable, in New-Hampshire ; and at Hampshire. Q^Qton, Chclmsford, and Sudbury, in Massachusetts ; and hence the government resolved upon a more vigorous prosecution of the war. In a new tariff of bounties, for every Indian scalp, a regu- lar soldier was offered £10; a volunteer, without wages, £20, and without being furnished with rations or supplies, £50 ; yet, so shy and seldom seen were the savages, that it is said, every Indian scalped, killed or taken, cost the Province £1000, The Indians But, fortunately, the tribes considered the war a burden, and tired of the . . , . war* were heartily tired ol it, as was conceded by the French them- selves. Usually, a war of three years' continuance is long enough for Indians. In the present war, they may have gratified their revenge, — certainly they had acquired no permanent advantage, no considerable booty, or other emolument. Thev had not utter- Chap, ii.] of mal\k. 53 ly destroyed a single town or plantation in Massachusetts or New- a. d, 1706. Hampshire ; and those they had laid waste in Maine, yielded nothing to the destroyers. The white men of this age were well acquainted with the manner of savage warfare, and were more than a match for their foes. The unhappy natives saw their tribes wasted and distressed, liable to be utterly extirpated from the beloved land ol their fathers ; and yet unable elsewhere to obtain a support for themselves and for their needy families. A neutrality was proposed by the Canadian French, which is fl^^i^ces de> supposed to have been rejected. Charlevoix* says, that Gov. 'Jg*^^^'^^^ Dudley in this dilemma was 'much affected with the cries of Canada. * the inhabitants, no longer able to improve their lands, which * were continually ravaged by the Indians ; and he thought the * only way to put an end to their distress, was to remove the * French from Acadia.' It is true, the Governor had great rea- son to expect, that a complete conquest both of that country and Canada would soon be attempted ; since the promise of an arma- ment from England, the current year, remained unperformed, only because of some changes in the political affairs of the realm. He was exceedingly anxious to see Port-Royai reduced ; as such an event would complete the entire conquest of Nova Sco- tia, and convert it into an English Province. It would also serve to shew, that, though it were falsely said, the Governor's impolitic management of affairs towards that Province had cost Massachusetts £30,000, he was successful as well as indefatiga- ble in his labors and plans for the public good. Another excursion eastward, was undertaken by the estimable . ,^a« ' ^ A. D. not. Colonel Hilton, in January, 1707: and a shallop was sent to ^ ton's success Casco with stores and provisions for his forces, consisting of ^20 a^.^^'a^^k- men. So mild and unsettled was the weather, however, and ^*^'"^* open the winter, that they were unable to prosecute their march to the extent intended ; yet in pursuing an Indian track upon which they struck, near Black-point, tliey surprised and killed four savages, and took captive a middle aged squaw with a pap- poose. To save her life, she conducted them to a party of eighteen, lying asleep on a neck of land not far distant and un- guarded ; all of whom except one, they killed about break of * 2 Charlevoix's N. F. p. 313. 54 "I'HE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1707. day, and took the other a prisoner.* This occasioned the great- er joy and triumph, because of the difficulty, at this period, of coming across the Indians or finding their haunts. e?ped tio^n ^ Early in the spring, the Governor raised two regiments for asiainst K the eastern service ; and 2;ave the command of them to Cols. Koyal. ... Wainwright and Hilton. The officers embarked with the troops, at Nantasket, May 13, in 23 transports, convoyed by the Dept- ford man of war and the Province galley, and furnished with a competent number of whale-boats. The chief command of the expedition was given to Col. March ; who was well beloved by the soldiers, and had behaved bravely in several scouts, and ren- M 26 counters with the enemy, though never tried in service difficult ^ like the present. Arriving at Port-Royal, on the 26th, about 1000 men were disembarked ; and a skirmish ensued, in which Subercase had his horse shot under him and retired ; while the inhabitants took shelter in the fort. Misapprehending its force and condition, a council of war supposed it " was more than a match for our raw undisciplined army and the forces all re- embarked, June 7, in a disorderly manner.f Several of the officers went to Boston for further orders ; and some of the transports put in at Casco, and one at Portsmouth. The Gov- ernor at Boston, being thrown off his guard by the inciting influ- ences of passion and chagrin, declared if another vessel arrived, not a man should come ashore " on pain of death." He was de- termined, and at last by dint of effort, was able to effect a rally and return to the siege of Port-Royal. Yet thinking it inexpe- dient actually to supersede Col. March in the command, the Governor appointed three gentlemen of the Council, supervisors of the enterprize now so boldly renewed. The troops relanded Aug. 10. before the town, August 10; — but the spirits of March were crippled and his health affected, — the men were sickly, and dis- heartened,-—the enemy's forces were increasing ; and no means could inspire an union, firmness and skill equal to the emergency. In ten days the whole affair was at an end ; yet the army though sufficiently mortified, really sustained no greater loss than sixteen killed and as many wounded. *The report of this affair with little variation from the truth, was in cir- culation at Portsmouth, on the mornings it happened, thoug-h 60 miles dis- tant.— Penhalloxo's Indian War, p. 40. _ t 2 Charlevoix, p. 318-321. Chap, ii.] of maine. 55 In consequence of this unfortunate expedition, the French A. d. 1707. were much more able to arouse the Indians to a renewal of their All iheeas- spoliations. Beginning the last of June, 1707, they, in the course men s as- of three months, made bold advances against Kittery, Berwick, York, Wells, Casco and Winter-Harbor, being all the surviving towns and garrisons in Maine. As if actuated by personal malevo- lence towards William Carpenter, a party pushed forward to his dwellinghouse, in Kittery, and slew him and all his family. Four Kittery. men, riding in company with Mrs. Littlefield, on the road between York and Wells, were waylaid, August 10th, and all slain except Aug. lo. one, who hardly escaped an equally expected fate. Mrs. Little- field had money to the amount of $200 about her person, of all which, it is said, the same bloody hands plundered her. After- wards Mr. Littlefield, Lieutenant of the latter town, was taken and carried to Canada. The savages seemed both to hate and fear all men of military titles, rank, or character. But fishermen were mere playthings in their clutches. Lurking about Casco, Casco. they intercepted a fishing smack, sailing among the Islands, and, as in like cases, they made an easy conquest of her and her crew, killing three of them and taking the other two prisoners. Yet much the boldest movement made this year, was on the A severe 21st of September, by a party of 150 Indians, coming in 50 ca-saco!^'^ noes* to Winter-Harbor. Here they attempted to take possession of two shallops lying at anchor, while Capt. Austin, Mr. Har- mon, John Cole, sergeant of the garrison, and five others were on board. By waiting till the enemy was near, and then all fir- ing at once, they threw the savage flotilla into great confusion. Recovering themselves, (as the narrator says,) the Indians re- turned a discharge of musquetry, with so much spirit, that our men were forced to abandon one of the shallops ; and entering the other, we cut her cables, endeavored to spread the sails, and put to sea. The Indians, instantly taking possession of the little prize, had up the mainsail, before ours was half mast ; and plied their oars and paddles so dexterously on each side, as to render their pursuit fearful. Their bark however, was a dull sailor, and themselves unskilful mariners ; and when they saw they were falling astern of their competitors, a number of them, in a dozen canoes, by means of fishlines, undertook to tow her ahead. In * They usually appeared three in a canoe." 56 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1707 the chase, a breath of air breezed up, and by hauling her too near the wind, she came several times to stays, — which greatly retarded her progress. A perpetual firing was kept up by the parties on each other ; and so near together were they at times, — so smart was the skirmish,— and so daring the Indians, that they attempted to seize the blades of the oars, as our men were rowing. The engagement lasted about three hours ; and when the chase ceased, our men had scarcely five charges of pow- der left. Our loss was only one man, Benjamin Daniel, fatally wounded in his bowels; who exclaimed, I am a dead man^ but give me a gun ta kill one more before I go : — ^Yet the brave man had not strength to fire. About nine of the enemy were killed in this well-fought skirmish, and twice as many wounded. The l^st outrage of the Indians this season, in Maine, was at a^Iili'b'Let. Berwick ; where a small scouting party of them killed two, as they were returning from public worship. This aroused the in- habitants, and a band of them, acquainted with their paths, laid in wait for them, and thus by having the first fire, threw them into such consternation, that they dropped their packs, contain- ing three, scalps and some articles of value, and fled to the woods. The misery '^^^^ ^ "^^^^ trj^^S J^^^ remaining people of this of Maine. Province. They could not even stir abroad, though well armed, without imminent hazard of their lives. They were under the ne- cessity of crowding their families into garrisoned houses, and tilling lands, only where they were situated within call from the sentry-boxes. The lumber trade and fishery were wholly at an end ;* the means of a livelihood were extremely slender j and all anticipations of speedy relief appeared truly desperate, as the fifth summer had now closed, without any prospect of peace. A.D> 170S. But happily for the Province, it lost only two of its inhabitants tmTlef- ^" the next year, 1708 ; — these were Robert Read and David Hutchins, who were killed at Kittery. In the succeeding year, the people suffered comparatively nothing from the enemy's in- cursions ; and therefore hopes began to be entertained, that the days of extreme darkness and distress were passed. Various rumors however, during the current season continually * Gov. Dudley's speech, 170&. Chap, ii.] of maine. 57 agitated the public ; and scouts were all the time in service, a.d. 1708 Spy-boats were also kept out along the coast between Piscataqua Alarming and Winter-Harbor. At length, a story was sent into circulation, by way of Albany, that there was a great army collecting in the north, which consisted of Canadian volunteers and Indian warriors from different tribes, — such as the Algonquins, the Hu- rons, the Mohawks, and the St. Francois Indians— to be joined by the Abenaques and Tarratines ; and that the whole force was preparing to attack suddenly some part of the New-England frontiers. This was a French manoeuvre to unite all these na- tives, and bring them, if possible, to act in concert agamst the common enemy. The Hurons commenced their march, Julyj^,^jg 16; when one of them accidentally killed his companion; — an event, which all considering an ill omen to the expedition^ they turned back. The Mohawks said their men were affected with a contagious distemper, and refused to proceed. Nevertheless, Vaudreuil, nowise discouraged, sent to his officers fresh orders, — directing them to prosecute the enterprise, even if " the Al-* gonquins and St. Francois Indians themselves should leave him also." Therefore two hundred of them or more proceeded on ; and, though disappointed, in not receiving a re-enforcement at the place appointed, from the Abenaques and Tarratines, they surprised Haverhill, in the night of August 29, and made it a Haverhill heap of ruins. But they proceeded no farther ; — for the eas- A^ugSt^lg. tern Indians were quite needy, and heartily desirous of peace. If we may credit a letter of Subercase to a friend, * the Mick- ' maks were naked ; and the Indians on the Kennebeck and Pe- * nobscot would be so too, had they not carried on a trade with * the English, through the medium of the natives about Hudson * river, where a pound of beaver was worth a crown, and goods * were sold at a reasonable price.' " Thus," says Charlevoix, " our own enemies relieved our most faithful Indian allies in their " necessities ; while they were daily hazarding their hves in our " service."* To weaken the enemy, or hold him more effectually in check, ^-^1^^]^^,^' and to retrieve the political character of the government, in some ^^^^^^J'JJ* measure sullied by former expeditions against Port- Royal ; anoth- Scotia. * 4 Charlevoix, p. 100-20, 3d vol. p. 452-65. Vol. II. 8 58 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A D. 1709. er was about to be undertaken.* Of this, Francis Nicholson, late Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia, was appointed Commander- in-Chief, and Samuel Vetch, before mentioned, a late trader to Nova Scotia, well acquainted with the Acadian settlements, was Adjutant-General. In England, they had obtained the queen's promise, to send over several ships of war to aid in the enter- prise. But none arriving, the whole project failed, — The Mo- Treachery hawks, though they had lately joined the English, were both jeal- hawks.^° ous and treacherous. One of their speakers in a great assembly previously holden, said with boldness, — ' You know the English * and French are each a great people ; if one of them should ' destroy the other, the conqueror will strive to make us slaves.' Besides this, there was a report, that these Indians threw skins into the stream, where the English soldiery had lately encamped, near lake Champlain, which gave the water poisonous qualities.f Governor's In February, the Governor says, ' twenty days since, accord- scouts. « ing to my former usage, I marched a scout of 150 men from * Casco bay to all the old settlements or lodgements of the In- * dians in the Province of Maine, in order to keep them from ' their dwelling-places, and convince them their new masters, the ' French, were unable to defend them ; though they have suppli- ' ed them with ammunition, and assisted them to carry on the war * against us, about thirty years. — So bigoted,' adds he, ' are the ' French to the Romish religion, so inveterate against all protes- * tants, and such their colonial contiguity to New-EnglancJ, that * we shall never be long at rest, until Canada and Nova Scotia « shall constitute a part of the British Empire.' The Indians themselves might be easily rendered tranquil, were they removed from French influence ; — tor they were, this year, actually suing sue^fj?*^'^"^ for peace ; a delegation being sent from Kennebeck to Boston, P®^<=®- Yvith a flag of truce. Nor were the eastern tribes generally en- gaged with the French in their movements, either the last or present year. They had been told of some disagreeable things, stated of them in Canada, which had given affront ; and at the instance of their delegates, the government sent Mr. Lewis Bane, of York, to Sagadahock, clothed with authority to make arrange- ments for negotiating a treaty. * To meet the expense, £15,000 were emitted in bills ; and July 17, the Govenor says, 1,200 men are raised, and 17 transports provided.— 7 JIass. Rec. p. 426. t Penhallovv. Chap, ii.] of Maine. 59 But the conquest of Port-Royal, in the spring of 1710, was A.D. i7io. the ereat and absorbing; topic. Nicholson had been several New expe- ^ . . , . , ditiou months in England, pressing upon the ministry the most weighty against Port arguments and solicitations in favor of the enterprise ; and on the fjiy^'s. 15th of July, the fleet arrived in Boston, himself being on board. In conformity to the queen's command, four regiments were im- mediately raised in New-England, commanded by Charles Hob- by and Col. Tailer of Massachusetts, Col. Whiting of Con- necticut, and Col. Walton of New-Hampshire. There were besides, a royal regiment of marines, commanded by Col. Red- ding. Nicholson, as before, was Commander-in-Chief, and Vetch, Adjutant-General ; — the officers being commissioned by the queen. The fleet consisted of the Dragon, Chester, and Martin, 4th rates ; the Leostafie, and Feversham, 5th rates ; the Star, a bomb-ketch ; the Province galley ; a tender, and four transports from England, and 24 colony transports,* — in all, 36 sail, besides hospital and store ships, and open floats, carrying boards and necessai'ies for the cannon. They sailed September 18th, and all arrived safely before Port- sept. 24. Royal, on the 24th, except one transport, commanded by Capt. Sn'of Su- Taye, which, running ashore at the mouth of the river, was lost, p^Royar^^ and 26 men in her, drowned. The forces were landed without opposition. Subercase, the Governor, had only 260 effective men with him ; and the most of these he was afraid to employ beyond the limits of his out-works, through fear of their desertion. As the army was marching towards the fort, several men were killed by particular aim of the inhabitants, cowering behind houses and fences. Our engineers had three batteries open, Oct. 1, within 100 yards of the fort, from which a heavy cannonading was commenced, and continued without intermission. Suber- case, in the evening was summoned to surrender, when he agreed upon a cessation of arms, and the next day, signed articles of capitulation.! By these, the fortress, munitions of war and other effects of the French crown, were transferred to the Queen of England ; the inhabitants within a league of the fort,t with * That is, 14 were in the pay of Massachusetts— 5 of Connecticut— 3 of Rhode-Island, and 2 of New-Hampshire.— 2 Htitchinsori' s History, p. 164. t See particulars, Penhallow's Indian Wars,—\ Coll. JV. H. Hist. Soc. p. 63-67. I The number of souls within these limits was 481.— 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 167. 60 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1710 iheir property, were, upon taking the oath of allegiance, to be protected, two years ; and the prisoners were to be transported to France or be permitted to remove to Canada or Placentia, at their election.* Col. Vetch, The English lost only 14 or 15 men, besides those who miser-» Governor, ^j^j^ perished in the transport. The place and the people within the protective privileges of the article, was called by General Annapolis. Nicholson, Annapolis Royal, in compliment to the queen. Leaving Col. Vetch, appointed Governor of the country, in com- mand of the garrison, and with him 200 marines, and 250 voU unteers, he returned safely to Boston, Oct. 26, attended by the fleet and army. The expedition cost New-England £23,000, which were afterwards reimbursed by parliament,! l^evingston It was' agreed before Nicholson embarked from Annapolis, to sent tQ c^ii- send Major Levingston, a meritorious officer of the army, and Cas-- ^ ^' tine the younger, who was among the French in the garrison, with despatches to Governor Vaudreuil in Canada ; informing him, that Acadia had fallen into the hands of the English ; that all its inhabitants, except those within the pale of Port-Royal, were prisoners at discretion ; and that if the barbarities, practised upon the frontiers of New-England by the savages, under his control, were not discontinued, reprisals would be made, or re- taliation inflicted, upon the French of Nova Scotia. J Their jour rJ^^^ messengers with three Indian guides, proceeded to Pe- nobscot, where Castine spent a few days with his family, at 'Biguyduce ; Levingston in the mean time receiving from him every mark of hospitality and attention. They then paddled up the river in their canoes " to the Island of Lett, where they met *^ with fifty canoes, and twice as many Indians, besides women " and children. This was probably Oldtown. Here the In- dians detained them, several days ; in which time, a prisoner taken shortly before at Winter-Harbor, had, in hunting with his master on a neighboring Island, effected his escape, carrying off both the Indian's canoe and gun. This so exasperate.d the native, ♦ Articles entire, /6. p. lG6-7.—Subcrcase styled himself "Daniel Aii- jjer of Siiljercase, Governor of I/Accada, of Cape Breton Island and of " land from Cape Rosier, as far west as Kennebeck River." — Muss. Lit, Book, p. 104-5. f- 1 Halliburton's N. S. p. 88. \ 2 Charlevoix's N. V. p. :i {2-6.— 39 Univ. Tlist, p. 257-8. \ Penhallov7's Indian Wars.— I Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. p. 07. Chap, h.] of Maine. 61 that he determined to kill the first white man he saw ; and there- a.d. i7io, fore the moment he again met with Levingston, he seized him by the throat, and drawing back his hatchet, would have despatched him with a single stroke, had not the noble-spirited Castine thrust himself between them, and rescued his companion from instant death. They left Oldtown, or Lett, Nov. 4, and were 42 days in the woods, before they arrived at Quebec. The day after they started, Levingston's canoe was overset, his gun and all he had were sunk, and one of the guides drowned. The other canoe, when the ice made, became leaky and entirely unsafe ; and hence they were obliged to leave it and perform the rest of their tedi- ous journey on land. They travelled by their compass ; and much of the weather was so stormy or foggy, that for nineteen days in succession, they never saw the sun. They travelled over some mountains, through dismal deserts, and around ponds and heads of rivers ; oftentimes fording streams unknown and dangerous, traversing swamps thick with spruces and cedars, and some days wading in snow knee-deep. To aggravate their sufferings and their fears of perishing,— six days before they could reach a human habitation, they had consumed all their provisions ; subsisting afterwards upon the leaves of wild vege- tables, the inner rinds of trees, and a few dried berries, they oc- casionally found. They arrived at Quebec, December 16th, and reached Albany Their imer- 1 no J 1 • • 1 1 • • '11 view with 1^ ebruary 236, on their journey homeward ; brmgmg with them, the Gov. at as the fruits of their most fatiguing and hazardous mission, only a letter from Vaudreuil, in which he says, * never have the * French, and seldom have the Indians, treated their English cap- * tives with inhumanity ; nor were the French, in any event, ac- * countable for the behavior of Indians. But,' added he, ' a truce, * and even a neutrality, if the English had desired it, might * long since have terminated the miseries of war ; and should * any retaliatory measures be adopted by the English, they will ' be amply revenged by the French.' The conquest of Nova Scotia, which has ever since been a Nova Sco- British Province, was an event highly important and interesting Province.'^ to the Provinces of Maine and Sagadahock. For it laid the long controverted question asleep, about boundaries ; the royal jcharter of William and Mary being definite enough upon that subject, as it respected the dividing lines between territories of 62 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A D. 1710 the same crown. Likewise the eastern country and coast, after this, became far less exposed to the depredations of the Indians^ inasmuch as a contiguous Province could no longer be their hiding place. Till this period, as it will be readily perceived, the history of the SagadahocJc Province has been so intimately blended with oc- currences in JYova Scotia, that a narrative of events and affairs in the Jormer, could not be understood, without tracing also the chain of events which have transpired in the latter * But neither the conquest of the Acadian Province, nor yet the desires of the Sagamores to negotiate a peace as proposed by them more than a year since, did wholly deter the Indians from committing mischief and even taking life. For early in the The Indians spring, they killed Benjamin Preble of York; and, August 2, a Saco; and party of 50 French and Indians, slew a woman at Wmter-Har- Waiton. bor, and took two men prisoners — one of them, Pendleton Fletch- er, whom the garrison redeemed, had been three times before taken captive. A week after this, a larger company visited the Saco, killed three, and carried away six. To amuse themselves, they actually took the skin from one of the slain and made girdles. Still later, about the time they visit their " clam banks," Col. Walton, having returned from Port-Royal, proceeded at the head of 170 men to reconnoiter the eastern shores. At Sagadahock, he took a Sagamore of Norridgewock, his wife, and a number of their companions, decoyed or drawn to him by the smoke of the soldiers'^ fires. The Sagamore was so surly, and so deaf to every inquiry, that the friendly Indians were permitted to dis- patch him. Farther east the scout came across three, and made them prisoners ; and on their return to the Saco, either killed or took five more. On the other hand, the Indians, seizing one Ayres, presently dismissed him, and sent him to the garrison, at fort Mary, with a flag of truce, requesting a pacification. Nicholson But nothing at this time was desired with half so much ardor force'^ ^ and avidity, as the entire conquest of Canada. Such an event cinada. would secure to New-England perpetual quiet ; and Col. Nich- olson after his return from Port-Royal, proceeded to England, and again urgently besought the crown for assistance. To pro- * For while Nova Scotia was subject to the French, they claimed pos- session as far westward as to Kennebeck, and actually occupied as far as Penobscot. Chap, ii.] of MAINE. 63 mote his purpose, he took with him five Mohawk Sagamores ; A. D. I7ii» who, when arriving in the kingdom, attracted universal attention. The higher orders of the people were anxious to see them, and the mob flocked in crowds after them, wherever they went. Even little portraits of their faces, were stricken off, — hundreds of which found a ready sale in the streets. As the court were then in mourning,* the Chiefs were clad in black at the royal charge ; and in heu of blankets they were mantled with scar- let cloaks, edged with gold tinsel. In this costume, they were conducted in two coaches to the palace of St. James, by the Lord Chamberlain, who introduced them to her Majesty. In the few remarks made, one expressed himself to this effect : — Should you take the Canada country, and put the French under your feet, it would give us great advantage in hunting and war. Let your princely face shine upon us. We are your allies. We will never turn our hacks — never leave our well beloved country. We all stand firm — nothing shall move us. To the surprise and joy of the colonists, Nicholson returned june and to Boston, June 8, 1711, followed by a fleet consisting of '^^i^llofihe ships of war, 43 transports, and 6 store ships, under Admiral ^''P^^'^'o"- Walker ; bringing seven veteran regiments of the Duke of Marl- borough's army, and a battalion of marines. These troops and two New-England regiments of 650 recruits, formed the army, which was provided with a fine train of artillery. The arma- ment left Boston, July 30 ; but unfortunately, eight transports were wrecked in the St. Lawrence, upon Egg-Island, where about 1,000 men perished. The officers were so disheartened by this disaster, that they abandoned the expedition and return- ed, full of disappointment and chagrin,f and yet obnoxious to the severest stricture and obloquy. It was a most disastrous event. It even emboldened the Acadians to revolt ; nor would any consideration probably have induced them to lay down their arms, had they been able to find an experienced and skilful com- mander to lead them against Port-Royal, and into fields of victory. But the conquest of Nova-Scotia, and the great expedition ^^^""gi^^p^g against Canada gave a turn to the views and movements of the * For Prince George, the husband of Queen Anne. — Hume. t 2 Charlevoix's N. Y. p. 355-361.-2 Brit. Emp. p. 273-6. the eastern coasL 64 THE HISTORY [VoL. If. A. D. 1711. Indians, highly favorable to the frontiers. For though in the winter of 1710-11, three sloops in the pay of Massachusetts^ carrying 180 men, ranged the eastern coast, — they saw neitheV a Frenchman nor an Indian. The same number was led by Col. Col. Wai- Walton, during the autumn, as far eastward as Penobscot; yet prise.^"^*'*^ he only made a small number of Indians his prisoners, and burnt two or three vessels, designed for cruisers or privateers. There were however, a few renegado Indians still strolling over the country, and three or four men were killed in Maine, this season. Two of these fell in Wells, while at work in the field ; and one in York, who was fishing in a pond, his companion at the same time being severely wounded. Reviving and returning to the garrison, he told how he and his deceased friend were waylaid by five Indians ; one of whom, running at him with great fury^ knocked him down, scalped him, cut him deep in the neck, and evidently thought him expiring. But, said he, / retained my senses perfectly ; I neither struggled nor moved ; and in this way escaped death. A.D. 1712. The next year, 1712, was much more calamitous and event- killed.*^**"' ful to the distressed inhabitants of Maine ; about twenty-six be- ing killed, wounded or taken captive in York, Kittery, and Wells. The enemy first appeared at York ; and, in April or May, shot Samuel Webber, between that village and Cape-Neddock. Anoth- er party fell upon several men with teams, in Wells ; when three were killed and as many wounded. Among those who fell, was Lieut. Littlefield, a brave and valuable man, whose death was deeply lamented.^ He had for a long time commanded the militia company of his town. He was an ingenious, useful citi- zen and a skilful engineer, especially in waterworks. He had been taken a prisoner four years before, carried to Canada, and lately ransomed from his captivity. The Indians soon after were bold and daring enough to penetrate into the heart of the town, where they caught and hurried away two of its inhabitants with shouts ot triumph. The repetition of these desperate adven- tures, was enough to wither every hope, and fill every heart with despair. No age, no condition, no place, could enjoy the least rest or security. One boy was killed and another taken about this time at Spruce-creek, in Kittery. ■"Supposed to be the same Josiah Littlefield, who represented Wells ia the General Court, A. D. 1710. Chap, ii.] of maine. 65 As a scouting party was marching from the garrison at York, a.d. 17I2. towards Cape-Neddock, May 14, it was assailed by a body of May. 30 French and Indians ; when Nalton, the sergeant, was shot, York, Kit- • ^ lory tind and seven others seized and confined. The commander and the Berwick, survivors fought on a retreat, till they arrived at a great rock. This sheltered them from the fire and fury of their pursuers, and enabled them to keep their ground, till relieved by Capt. Willard and a flying guard from the fort. Every motion and movement of the inhabitants seemed to lie under the inspection of a lurking malignant foe. John Pickernell, at Spruce-creek, was shot June 1, as he was locking his door, on the way with his family to the garrison. His wife, also, was wounded, 'and a child scalped, that ultimately recovered. Seven weeks after this, a man was killed at Berwick, another at Wells, and a negro taken captive. The black soon escaped, probably by the Indians' consent, for they always had a mortal aversion to negroes. But the last memorable skirmish with the enemy, which oc- Skirmish at curred in Maine, before the close of this tedious predatory war, weddmg oc- happened in the autumn, at Wells. It was on the wedding day of Capt. Wheelwright's daughter. To witness the nuptials, a considerable number of guests were present, some of whom had attended Mr. Plaisted, the bridegroom, from Portsmouth. When the marriage was consummated, and the attendants were prepar- ing to depart, they were informed that two of their horses were missing and could not be found. Several proceeded immedi- ately in search of them, two of whom were shot down at a short distance from the house, and others seized by savages. Alarm- ed at the report of guns. Captains Lane, Robinson, and Heard, despatched twelve men from the garrison, across lots, to meet or intercept the assailants ; while they themselves, in company with Mr. Plaisted and his friends, mounted the bridled horses, and gave them whip and rein in pursuit. But in a few minutes, these all fell into an ambush ; Robinson was killed on the spot — the rest were dismounted, and yet every one of them, except Plais- ted, effected an escape. As this event was in degree afflictive to the guests and the br'de, so much the more triumphant was the savage party in the possession of their valuable prize. How- VoL. II. 9 66 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1713. ever, in a few days he was redeemed by his father, though the extravagant ransom demanded and paid, exceeded £300.* The cessation of hostilities, being the next news from England, was published in Boston, Oct. 27, and followed by the celebrated treaty of Utrecht, signed March 30, 1713. By the 12th article, Treat^f " Nova-Scotia, or Acadia, with its ancient boundaries, also Utrecht. u tjje city of Port-Royal, now Annapolis Royal, and all other " things in these parts," < belonging to the crown of France, or N. Scotia * any subjects thereof, and also the inhabitants of the same, are the Enlfish! ' resigned and made over to the crown of Great Britain forever and in May, the whole of the country was actually and formally surrendered to the English, having ever since been under the government of that nation. The Indians This closcd the scene of blood. The Indians had long been peace. impatient for peace. Some of them visited Casco fort, as soon as the joyful tidings of a pacification arrived, and requested an armistice. At the winter session, the General Court concluded to receive the eastern tribes into favor, upon their humble acknowl- edgement of the offences they had committed, a renewal of their allegiance, and a subscription by their chiefs to such arti- cles of treaty as the Governor and Council might dictate or re- quire. High ground was now manifestly taken by Massachu- setts ; for she even demanded hostages of tlie Indians, for the faithful performance of their stipulations, and required them to be supported at their own charge. These were, it is true, rigid terms, but it was thought their treachery deserved severity. July 11 By a request of the Sagamores, presented through Capt. If*Poc^^^ Moody, at Casco garrison, to the Governor, he appointed a con- mouih. ference to be holden, July 11, at Portsmouth. Accordingly, his Excellency and 20 Councillors, viz, 9 from Massachusetts, 9 from New-Hampshire, and 2 from Maine,f accompanied by other gentlemen, met the sagamores and delegates from the rivers St. John, Penobscot and Kennebeck, at the time and place appointed, and entered upon a negotiation. Though the Indians upon the Saco, Merrimack and Androscoggin, were not express- ly represented by tribes, being mixed with the motley clan at St. * 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. p. 140. t These were John Wheelwright and Ichabod Piaisted, Chap, ir.] OF MAINE. 67 Francois ; they were nevertheless all declared by the delegation A. D. i7i3. present, to be included. In this treaty, they acknowledged their offences, renewed their allegiance, and made fair promises. They conceded to the English all their territorial settlements, possessions and rights in the eastern country, free of every claim, — with a reserve of nothing, except the Indians' own grounds, and the " liberty of *' hunting, fishing and fowling, and all other lawful liberties and " privileges, as enjoyed on the 11th of August, 1693," when the treaty was made with Gov. Phips. Trade was to be regu- lated by government, truck houses established, and the Indians never to be allowed a traffic at any other place. All future controversies were to be settled according to a due course of law and justice. — Eight Sagamores,* then casting themselves upon her Majesty's mercy, prayed for her pardon and favor, and signed the treaty, July 13th, in solemn form ; each making /;on- nected marks, descriptive of the fish, bird or animal,f claimed as the insignia of their respective families- To give the treaty a more extensive ratification, several gen- rpj^^ ^.^jj^ tlemen proceeded to Casco, where they found a large body of^^^*^""^^ Indians, waiting the result of the negotiation. Upon hearing the articles distinctly read and explained, by sworn interpreters, they expressed their united satisfaction " by loud huzzas, or acclama- " tions of joy." Moxus was present, who pretended he was Sagamore of " all *' the eastern parts, though he did not sign the treaty." Valua- ble presents were distributed to all the tribes represented, and also to him. The next day, however, he complained to the English, that the young Indians, for some reason, unknown to him, had purloined the articles ♦given him, and he hoped the English gentlemen would in their generosity, be free to make him other gifts. He was a chief of native subtlety, and his rep- resentation improbable ; for the Indians, especially those that are * Those who signed, were Kirebenuit, Iteansis, and Jackoid, Tarratine chiefs of Penobscot ; Joseph and Aeneas^ Marachite chiefs of St. John ; Warraeensit^ Wadacanaquin and Bomaseen, Canibas chiefs of Kenne- beck. — See articles entire, 1 Coll. JV. H. Hist. Soc. p. 82-86. t Joseph's mark was a picture of a Jlsh ; that of Kirebenuit, a raven. This, Capt. Francis says, is the mark of his family. 68 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A; D, 1713, young, always treat their Sagamores and seniors with the utmost civility and respect. The condi- ^^^'^ distressing war of ten years, Maine lost more than a tiou of fourth, perhaps a third, part of her inhabitants.* Numbers of Maine. / . them, full of discouragements, left the country, to see it no more. Some famiHes had become entirely extinct ; — and all the others were in mourning for friends, either dead or in captivity. The slender habitations of survivors, if not utterly destroyed, had de- cayed and become miserable. Their outer fields wholly laid waste, or neglected, were overgrown and full of wild shrubbery. There was now remaining scarcely a vestige of the fur trade, the lumber business, or the fisheries. What men call enterprise ex- cited no emulation. The virtues of the people in these times, were of another and higher order ; — courage, fortitude, and broth- erly kindness. These appeared in nameless exploits, and in thousands of occurrences every year. When the men, ever care- worn, were exhausted with toil and war, the duties of sentinels were performed by females, and the products of the field were frequently the fruits of their labor. Now the war was over, nothing so wrung the hearts of survivors, night and day, as their anxiety to embrace from captivity, their long-lost kindred and friends. Nor was there a lapse of many months, before a ship Exchange was despatched to Quebec, to exchange and redeem prisoners.f of^prison- rjij^^ ecstacy of those on meeting, can only be painted by the im- agination, not drawn by the pen nor pencil. The The French were prominent in the war Avhen it opened. It irenoh ^^^^ assumcd Something of campaign, siege, and battle; and sev- eral French officers appeared among the Indians, as leaders or commanders. But they were never able to form the Indians into regular companies, nor bring them to military discipline or order. Unrewarded, neglected and ill fed, they would have abandoned the French two yeara before the close of the war, had not the attractives and ties of catholic superstition prevented. The losses The Indians, on the whole, were the principal sufferers by the gUih, ^" war. More than a third part of their fighters, had within ten * Maine lost, in killad and taken capLive, 282. From 1675 to 1713, " 5 or 6l00 of the youth of tiic country pei ished by the enemy, or by dis- tempers contracted in the service." — 2 Huldi. Hist. p. 183. •f It was not lis! the next year, when Messrs. VViilianis and StodilarJ spent four months in collecting- the Eng-li:h captives. Some never re- turned. Chap, ii.] of maine. 69 years, wasted away or been killed; and probably an equal or A. D. 1713. greater proportion of their women and children : So that among the remaining tribes of the Abenaques and Etechemins, the fight- ing men by estimation^ did not now exceed 300. Three tribes, the Wawenocks, Sokokis, and Anasagunticooks, had lost their distinction or provincial character, by a gradual decline and an association at St. Francois, with the Algonquins and others ; and hence they are not by tribes so much as named in the treaty. Hunted from their native country by foes, and allured away by pretended friends, they might justly bewail their cruel destiny. To the humiliating terms of the late treaty, they would never have submitted, had they not, through a consciousness of their poverty and distress, been ready to perish. Their strength and importance were broken, never to be repaired. In this war, the Indians manifested less malice, and were guilty of less cruelty^ than in the two, which preceded. Nor did they exhibit charac- ters of equal notoriety and fame, with those in former wars. Three of their most distinguished men were, Bomaseen, Assa- combuit, and Castine the younger ; though in the commencement of the war, Wagungonet and Capt. Tome are mentioned as leading Sagamores. Bomaseen, now advanced in years, was a man of good sense Bomaseea^ and humane disposition. In the last war, he was seized at Saco A. D. 1694, and carried a prisoner to Boston, where he was made acquainted with the principles of the protestant religion. He was a Canibas chief, and signed the late treaty. The character of Assacombuit was peculiarly remarkable for Assacomba its turpitude and ferocity. According to Mr. Penhallow, who was his cotemporary, none of " all the Indians that were ever known " since King Philip, have appeared so inhuman and cruel as As- sacombuit." He was a " monster ;" or, as another says, " a " noted chief," ' always dreaded by the English upon the fron- ' tiers, from the report of his demoniac cruelties.' He is sup- posed to have belonged to the Anasagunticook tribe. In 1705, Vaudreuil, to encourage the Indians in the war, sent him to France, and caused him to be introduced to the royal presence. He was an object of curiosity ; and when appearing at Court, he lifted up his hand and exclaimed, — this hand has slain 150 q/ your Majesty^ enemies within the territories of JVew-England. 70 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1713. This SO pleased the unfeeling monarch, that he forthwith knighted him, and ordered a pension of eight livres a day to be paid him, during life. On his return home, he undertook to exercise a des- potic sway over his brethren, in which he murdered one and stabbed another, and thus exasperated their relations to such a degree, that they sought to take his life, and would have killed him, had he not fled and forever abandoned his country. Castine ihe There was never a greater contrast, than between him and Cas- younger. ^jj^g ^j^g younger.* This man possessed a very mild and gener- ous disposition. His birthplace and home were at Penobscot, upon the peninsula of 'Biguyduce, the former residence of his father. Though a half-breed, the son of Baron de Castine by a Tarratine wife, he appeared to be entirely free from the bigoted malevolence of the French, and the barbarous revengeful spirit of the savages. He was a Chief Sagamore of the Tarratine tribe, and also held a commission from the French king. By his sweetness of temper, magnanimity, and other valuable prop- erties, he was holden in high estimation by both people. Nor were the Enghsh insensible of his uncommon merit. He had an elegant French uniform, which he sometimes wore ; yet on all occasions, he preferred to appear dressed in the habit of his tribe. f It was in him both policy and pleasure to promote peace with the English ; and in several instances where they had treated him with abuse, he gave proof of forbearance wor- thy of a philosopher's or christian's imitation. The great con- fidence they reposed in his honor and fidelity, as the com- panion of Major Levingston through the wilderness from Port- Royal to Quebec, was in every respect well placed and fully confirmed. He was a man of foresight and good sense. Per- ceiving hqjv these wars wasted away the Indians, he was hu- mane as well as wise, when he bade earliest welcome to "the " songs of peace." These immediately drew home fathers and brothers, and " wiped away the tears" of their famihes. He thought his tribe happy only, when they enjoyed the dews and shades of tranquillity. In 1721, he was improperly seized, at 'Biguyduce, his dwelling-place, by the English, and carried to Boston, where he was detained several months. The next year, * See ante, A. D. 1703. 1 40 Univ. Hist. p. 180. Chap, ii.] of maine. according to Charlevoix,* he visited Bearne in France, — to in- herit his father's property, honors, fortune and senioral rights ; from which country, we have no account of his return. * Charlevoix [jV. F. 4th vol, p. 117,] expresses himself thus ; " II repas- sa peu de temps apre's en France, et uUa recueiller la succession de son pere en Beam d'ou il n'est point sortie clepuis." Note. — Capt. Francis says, the younger Castine's residence, was at J/arcAe6i^ac?wce, (as he pronounces the word,) and farther states, that he had a son, whom he called by a French name Rohardee^ whose daughter's son, Capt. Sokes, is now one of the captains of the Tarratine or Penob- scot tribe. Francis mentions some traditional particulars of Baron Cas- tine ; stating that " he lived at the same place ;"— " was a great trader — " sold the Indians guns and powder," S^c, 72 THE HISTORY [Vol. ii. CHAPTER III. The late war — A good administration — Councillors — York, Kitte- ry and Wells, survive the war — Berwick incorporated — Their ec- clesiastics— Committee of claims — Orders to re-settle 5 towns — Saco, called Biddcford—Scarhorough — Falmouth — and Arundel— Money — George I. — Gov. Shutc — Claims — A road ordered from Bcnvick to Pejepscot Kittery, a port of entry — Pejcpscot- Purchase — Fort-George — Georgetown — Offers to settlers — Cush- noc-fort — Resettlement of Kennehcck — Sturgeon-fishery — York- shire extended to St. Croix — Gov. Shutc arrives — Natives rest- less— Gov. meets them — Treaty renewed with them — Timber-trees — Bridger, Survey or Gen. — Disputes with him — Armstrong's pro- ject— Settlements revived east of Kenneheck — St. George's fort — Fort Richmond — Timber — Gov. and House disagree — Guards sent into Maine — Coram' s project — Nova Scotia — Indians plun- der Canseau — Rixle — Indians at Penobscot — Notaries public — Paul Dudley's case — People begin to remove from Maine — The Canibas — Rkle — Parley at Arrowsick — Castine the younger — North-Yarmouth — Gov. Shute returns to England. A. D. 1702 A more promising prospect, at length, opens to these eastern to 1712. Provinces, — presenting a revival and gradual advancement of the late wan their settlements, and political importance.* The force of the natives appeared to be in some measure broken, and the tribes greatly disheartened. As conquest or achievement is a great point with them, the reverses of fortune attending the French arms, in the late war, had filled the tribes both with disappoint- ment and distrust. For instead of recovering from the English colonists any part of their territories, so eagerly coveted by the French, and claimed so strongly by the Sagamores ; the former had actually lost, and the English acquired, the whole of Nova Scotia. The event was important to both nations ; and in the estimation of Massachusetts and Maine, it ought, in no small de- gree, to enhance the joys and advantages of peace. * For nearly 30 years past, few records of town-meetings were to be found in any part of Maine. Chap, hi.] OF MAINE. 73 The benefits of good government, in the Province, enjoyed a. D. ^1702 now for more than twenty years, were extensively felt and duly ^ appreciated. The evils of sectional conflicting jurisdictions, and a e;ood ad- the discrepances of anomalous rulers, formerly so perplexing to tion. the people of Maine and Sagadahock, were all lost in the unity of a settled and vigilant administration. The affairs of the war had been managed with care and adroitness, and the minuter in- terests of the community were treated with particular attention. When a system of jurisprudence was fully established, trials ; ap- peals ; the process of forcible entry and detainer ; the manner of assigning dower ; the admission of town inhabitants ; the relief of the poor and insane ; the appointment of watches and fire- wards ; the limitation of real actions ; the term set for redeem- ing lands mortgaged or taken by extent of execution, and other legal proceedings, received from the hand of the legislature an original form, or evident improvements* In 1 700, the office of Coroner was first introduced. He was improve- appointed by the executive, and a summary of his duties pre- SutVcoJe. scribed by statute. Another law provided originally for the choice of Town treasurer, A third, passed the year following, regulated the professional* practice of Attorneys, and the rights of parties in courts of law. To every one was expressly secured the privilege of pleading or defending his own cause, or employ- ing whom he chose. Upon taking a statute-oath prescribed, which has never since been altered, practitioners at the bar were admitted officers of the Courts, and authorized to tax an attorney's fee in every suit. Mills were uniformly considered as being of public utility, and their owners, the objects of particular favor. There were two evils, frequently attending this species of prop- erty, which arose from the number of individual proprietors, and the back water occasioned by dams. In both, a remedy was pro- vided by committing the management of all mills to the major voice of the partners ; and by prescribing a summary process, to settle all questions of damage caused by a reflow of water. Common schools and an orthodox ministry, which had gone Schools and . ministers. hand m hand since the first settlement of the country, were still high in popular estimation and legislative support. Time and change had rather increased than abated the ardor. Besides sharpening the penalties against towns, remiss and negligent, in Vol. 11. 10 74 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D.^1702 support of schools as required by law, they were rendered liable to be indicted by the grand jury ; and in such towns as failed to raise the monies requisite for the support of the ministry, the Courts of Quarter Sessions were empowered to appoint assessors Laws to purpose. In the zeal of the times for the purity of morals, prevent im- — lotteries were denounced as pernicious to the public : and in moralities. ^ r ? 1712, a memorable act was passed, which forbade all singing and dancing at taverns or in the streets, after dark ; all walking abroad during public worship on the Sabbath ; and all sporting in the evening of that day. Nay, an obscene song or pamphlet, or a " mock sermon," incurred a fine of £20 or the pillory, — the culprit having at the same time the name of his crime placed in capital letters over his forehead, hidians^"^ Colored people, increasing in numbers, had become exceed- ingly obnoxious and despicable. A duty of £4, therefore, was exacted and paid for every negro imported ; and so depraved, ignorant and shiftless were slaves, that not one of them, even in this age of freedom and equality, might be manumitted, unless security was first given for his maintenance. All negroes and mulattoes were expressly excluded from watches and military duty, as well in war as in peace ; and whoever presumed to join one of them in marriage with a white person, incurred a heavy penalty. Equally great was the general antipathy towards In- dians. They were heathens, ignorant, lazy and revengeful ; — the authors of accumulated evils to New-England. By law, it was strictly forbidden to bring into the Province any of this race, either for slaves or servants.* Coins; At this period, several acts of parliament were passed concern- and timber- ing the Colonies. These prescribed the value at which foreign coins should pass current within them ;-\ established a general Post-Office ; J and provided for the preservation of white pine and other timber-trees. The latter, enacted in 1710, had evidently in view the Sagadahock forests, which were extensive and be- longed principally to the crown. In the upper House of the General Court, the eastern Provin- * Province Law, A. D. 1712. f Passed, A. D. 1707. I Post-OfTice first attempted, A. D. 1692, in Virginia and failed ; estab- lished by Parliament, A. D. 1710, in America. A general letter office was opened in London ; another in New- York; and others in each colony. A single letter from London to New- York, 1*.— thence, 60 miles, 4d. Chap, hi.] of maine. 75 ces, Maine and Sagadahock, were uniformly represented by the A. D,^1702 number of Councillors prescribed in the charter; and some of j^^^j^^^^ them were men of considerable eminence. Those, during the '^e Council, late war, were, for Maine, EUsha and Eliakim Hutchinson, Ben- jamin Brown, Joseph Hammond, Ichabod Plaisted, and John WJieelwright :— For Sagadahock, John Leverett and Joseph Lynde, The Messrs. Hutchinsons resided in Boston. Elisha, a gentle- Eii?iia and man of military distinction, was chief commander of the Massa- Hutciiiuson. chusetts militia, in 1692, and was one of the Council, sent in 1707, to revive and prosecute the enterprise against Port-Royal. Eliakim sustained an excellent character, though less eminent. The former was senior Councillor for Maine two, and the latter a member, twenty-one years.* Mr. Broivn,f who was member of g, jirown. the Board six years, is supposed to have been a son of the benev- olent William Brown, whose residence was in Salem, and whose daughter was the wife of Wait Winthrop. Mr. Hammond was j. Hain- an inhabitant of Kittery, where he died, February 24th, 1709,™**"*^* after having been a Councillor nine years. He was also one of the Judges of the Common Pleas — a man of great integrity and worth, whom the people held in high estimation. He left a son of the same name, the worthy heir of his virtues, who first rep- resented his town in the legislature in 1711 ; and in 1718 was chosen into the Council, of which he was a member twelve years. Mr. Plaisted lived at Berwick, where he died, November 16th, j, piaisi-d. 1715, in the 52d year of his age, deeply lamented. He was a member of the Council, from his first election in 1706, to his death. He was also several years a Judge upon the bench of the Common Pleas. No other name at this period, in the Pro- vince of Maine, was more distinguished for military intrepidity, than that of Plaisted. J Mr. Wheelwright resided in Wells, J^^i^ht^'" * They both died in 1718— Elisha ag-ed 78, and Eliakim 77 ; the latter, and probably the former, being' son of William Hutchinson, of Boston, who settled there in 1636 ; and in 1673 purchased a large tract of land at Saco, of William Phillips, which Eliakim sold in 1750. — Elisha married Mrs. Phillips' daug-hter by her Sandford husband, and had an interest in Phillips' great Indian purchase, made in 1661, embracing mostly Sandford, Alfred, and Waterborough. Elisha's son Thomas, was father of the Governor. t The widow of Capt. Roger Plaisted, who was killed by the Indians in 1675, married Mr. Brown, of Salem ; after whose death she returned to Salmon Fails, where she died. X Ante, A. D. 1675. Ichabod Plaisted was the grandson of Capt. Roger Plaisted, and the father of Samuel Plaisted, who died March 20th, 1731, aged 36. 76 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D.^I702 probably upon the patrimonial estate of his grandfather, Rev. John Wheelwright,* who was one of the original settlers of the town, in ] 643, and of his father, Samuel Wheelwright, the min- ister's son, who was a member of the Council six years, from 1694. He died in 1700. John, the grandson, was first elected into the Council in 1708, and continued a member twenty-five years. His death was in 1745. He was also a Judge of the Common Pleas many years, — a gentleman of talents, merit and J. Leverett. distinction. Messrs. Leverett and Lynde were both non-resi- dents. The former, a son of the colonial Governor Leverett, was a member of the Council, only in 1706, being the next year elected President of Harvard College. He had previously been J. Lyude. a Judge of the Superior Court five years. Mr. Lynde was one of the Charter Councillors for Massachusetts, and resided in Bos- ton. At the first election, in 1693, he was omitted; but the next year he was chosen for Sagadahock, and afterwards had an annual re-election until 1716, inclusive, except the year Mr. Leverett was Councillor. ihrSuV^ On the memorial of the councillors and representatives from Court re- the Province of Maine, the General Court, June 5, 1711, re- vived, ' 3 7 7 vived the annual term of the Superior Court appointed by law, to be holden at Kittery for the county of York, — which for six or seven years prior, had, by reason of the war, been entirely sus- pended. This was followed, the next year, by a settlement of the county treasurer's accounts, a speedy return of order, and the regular administration of law and justice. York, Kit- The late treaty closed a period of eight and thirty years' al- Weiis"'^ ternate wai-fare and peace with the natives — a period, in which very little more than a third part of the time could be consider- ed tranquil. Amid those uncommon wastes, occasioned by French and savage hostilities, three towns, York, Kittery and Wells, maintained their ground with a fortitude and persever- ance, which redounded highly to their credit. Every year dur- ing the last war, the two former were represented in the General Court, — and Wells, five years, including that of peace. But be- sides their own meritorious exertions, and the liberal supplies furnished them by government, they were otherwise frequently aided and encouraged. In 1 706-73 £257 of their taxes were * Edward Rishworth married Rev. John Wheelwright's daughter. Chap, hi.] of Maine. 77 remitted, and there were granted out of the pubHc treasury to A. D. I7i3. York, £65, and to Wells, £56, for the support of their respec- tive ministers. The northern settlements of Kittery, denominated " the parish Berwick in- _ , '■ corporaled. of Unity,"* and the " precinct of Berwick," having been success- fully defended through the late war, the inhabitants renewed their application to be incorporated. Disposed to gratify their wishes, the General Court, by an order of 1711, caused a survey to be made of the township, or rather of its northern limits ; and on the 9th of June, 1713, by another orderf erected all above Thompson brook, into a town by the name of Berwick. J It was subsequently quite flourishing ; the soil being good, and the inhabitants a respectable well-informed people. The heart of the elder parish was at Quampeagan, where a church was gath- "f" This was incorporated the parish of Unity, in 1673. — Sullivan, p. 243- 246. t 8 Mass. Rec. p. 251.— Sullivan's Hist. p. 245-253.— MS. Letter. J This had been called the plantation of JVewichawannock^ and is the ninth town established in the present State of Maine. [The other 8 are Kittery, Yo^k, Wells, Cape- Porpoise, Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, and JVorth-Yarmouth.l The original settlement of Berwick, was at Quampea- g-an Falls, and Great-works river, by men whose surnames were Frost, Heard, Shapleigh, Chadbourn, Spencer, Broughton, Leader, Plaisted, and Wincoln. In 1720, the town was extended eight miles above Quampeagan to Stair Falls, thence from the river, N. E. by E. 8 miles and 298 rods, to Bonnebeag pond, thence S. E. to Baker's spring and a rock — being the bounds between York and Kittery. At that time there was not a house standing " between Quampeagan and Canada.** All, which were built here, between 1690 and 1745, were of hewed logs, sufficient to oppose the force of small arras. There was a block house on the western side of Sal- mon Fall brook, a mile above Quampeagan, where William Gerrish lived ; a mile higher, was Key's garrison ; — next were Wentworth's and Good.- win's block houses. The fort on Pine Hill, called Hamilton's garrison, was standing in 1750. It was made of poles 20 feet high, and picketed at the upper end. — As to land-titles of the settlers, Mr. Spencer, A. D. 1643, purchased of Sagamore Rowles or Knowles, a tract on the banks of New- ichawannock and Great-works rivers. George Broughton, the same year, obtained lands of the Sagamores, between Spencer's and Salmon Falls ; where Broughton and Wincoln had lands granted by the town of Kittery, on condition of erecting a mill. Lands above, are holden under proprietary grants — Berwick was first represented in the General Court, in 1714, by Elisha Plaisted. In 1751, the town was divided into two par- ishes ; and the first parish was made a town, in 1814, by the name of South Berwick. In 1790, Berwick contained 3,894 inhabitants. Since the divis- ion, upper or Old Berwick contains 30,000 acres ; — had within it ten mills, in 1820, 6 of them being at Doughty Falls on Great-works river. 78 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1713. ered, and Mr. John Wade, settled in 1702. Dying the next year, he was succeeded in Nov. 1707, by the Rev. Jeremiah Rev. J. Wise, who was their minister upwards of 48 years ; — a man of learning, " eminent piety and goodness." But the learning, in which he made so much proficiency, exhibited, according to the taste and passion of the age, the efforts of deep and scholastic investigation, rather than the beauties of rhetoric, or the solids of philosophy. Five years before his death, a new or northern parish was formed, over which, John Morse was first settled, who was soon succeeded by Rev. Matthew Miriam. Kittery The same year Berwick was incorporated, the residue of Kit- parishes, tery was divided into two parishes. The new one was at Stur- geon-creek, [Eliot] where a church was gathered, and Rev. John Rogers* i2o^er5, settled in 1715; whose ministry was continued during the uncommon period of 52 years.* — In the old parish at Kitte- ry-point, a parsonage, provided as early as 1669, and subsequent- ly improved, was occupied, and an annual stipend received, by J Rev. John JYewmarch,-f in consideration of ministerial services, ISewmarch. for 1 5 years, prior to 1714; when a church of 43 members was formed, and himself ordained. He was afterwards, more than 35 years, the faithful minister of an affectionate people ; re- ceiving the late Doct. Benjamin Stevens, May 1, 1751, his col- league ; whose pastoral connexion was dissolved by death at the end of forty years. { It was at Kittery-point, near the residence of the celebrated William Pepperell, that the courts of judica- ture were holden several years. ]^^^^g In York, the successor of the beloved and lamented Dummer, Moody. was the Rev. Samuel Moody. He was a graduate of Harvard, in 1697 ; and in 1700, received his ordination. He declined a settlement upon a stipulated salary ; choosing rather to live through faith, dependant upon his Divine Master, and the voluntary con- tributions of his people. He continued in the ministry 47 years ; * Rev. Mr. Spring was ordained his colleague, June 29, 1768, and died in 1791. He was succeeded the next year by Rev. Samuel Chandler. t He was graduated at Harv. Col. in 1690, married at Kittery-point, and lived on the westerly side of Spruce-creek, near the ferry. I Another church was organized at Spruce-creek, in 1750, where Rev. Josiah Chase was a settled minister, till Dec. 1778. He was succeeded, in 1782, by Rev. Joseph Littlefield.- Greenleafs Ecclesiastical Sketches, p. 83. See ante, A. D. 1647, and 1652. Chap, hi.] of matne. 79 when he died, — greatly endeared to his charge, and highly re- a. d. 1713. spected by his country. His praise is in all the churches of this region, as a godly minister and useful man. Amidst his pastoral zeal, many of his eccentricities afford curious anecdotes, which will be related in story to a succession of listening generations.* Seventeen years before his death, he had the pleasure of see- Scotland ing a religious society formed in the north-west section of York ; ed!^'*^ and of assisting, in 1732, at the ordination of his only son, the Rev. Joseph Moody. A Harvard graduate, at the age of 18, Rev. j. this gentleman lived in his native town 14 years, and held the^°'''^^* offices of Town Clerk, County Register of Deeds, and a Judge of the Common Pleas, before he was ordained. f He was a man of talents, piety, and peculiar sensibilities of mind. This, the second parish in York, was settled in Cromwell's time, by Scotch people, and has been since called Scotland. The Protector, having obtained a victory over a body of Scottish royalists, thought transportation to be the best disposition he could make of the prisoners ; and therefore he sent them to America. Acquainted with Gorges, who had taken arms in the civil wars on the same side, they settled upon a section of his patent. Few towns, not wholly destroyed, ever experienced greater priva- Weiis. tions and severities in the Indian wars, than Wells. After the Rev. Mr. Wheelwright finally left the place, the inhabitants were favor- ed only with the pastoral services of unlocated or itinerant preachers, during that century. J But on the return of munici- * His wife was the daug-hter of John Sewall of jNewbiiry. He had two children, Joseplj and Mary. The latter married Rev. Mr. Emerson of Maiden. Mr. Moody died, Nov. 13, 1747, Mi. 72. An ingenious epitaph on his gravestone, near his meeting-house, shews wliere his relics are de- posited. In 1749, he was succeeded by Rev. Isaac Lyman, a graduate at Yale, in 1747, who died, 1810. f After six years he fell into a gloomy state of mind, and died in March, 1753. His successors were, in 1742, Rev. Samuel Chandler, and in 1754, Rev. Mr. JLiankton, who died in 1794. — Greenleofs Ecc. Sketches, p. 13. I Rev. Joseph Emerson of York, was employed in 1664, for 2 or 3 years ; Rev. Robert Payne, 1667, for 5 years, with a salary of £45 ; Rev. John Buss, Sept. 2, 1672, 10 years, having- a salary of £60, and <* a parsonage house and land ;" Rev. Percival Greene, in 16S3, 5 or 6 years ; — and in 1689, Mr. Richard Marten, a schoolmaster in town, became the people's minister. — They voted him £50, besides the parsonage, to be paid thus ; — wheat at 4*. — rye at 2s. 6 J.— peas at 4s. per bushel ; pork at 2^d. per lb. ; boards at 19«. and staves at Ms per thousand. — Messrs. Greene and Mar- 80 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. A.D. 1713. pal order, subsequent to the close of the second Indian war, the inhabitants became anxious to enjoy the stated ministrations of the gospel ; and hence, twelve professors of religion entered into an ecclesiastical covenant ; — and in October, 1701, by the Rev. s. concurrent voice of them and the people, ^r. Sarri^l Emery recei^- s!"jefferds. cd the rites of ordination over the whole town.* His ministry of 24 years, was succeeded by that of Rev. Samuel Jefferds, a graduate at Harvard, in 1722, and a spiritual teacher, who in the course of his professional labors and untiring zeal, through a pe- riod of 26 years, had the high satisfaction of witnessing the re- peated effusion of divine influences, upon the people of his Kcnnebunk charge.f — Nor was it till 1750, that the second or Kennebunk iTTiLUe^^'i'"^**^ was established, and the Rev. Daniel Little setded ;{ — before which time, the town formed a single religious society, containing at no period more than a thousand inhabitants. § These cotemporary and successive ministers of the altar, had no small influence in forming the moral taste and general charac- ter at a rising community ; and they acquitted themselves of the high trust, in a manner which entitles their names to the particu- lar notices of history. Their emoluments were small, though their labors and privations were great ; being eminent examples of fortitude, and worthy patterns of disinterestedness. Condition of 'pj^g eastern Provinces, at the close of the late war exhibited a the eastern ' countiy. melancholy aspect. More than 100 miles of coast, once interspers- ed and adorned with flourishing settlements, improved estates, and comfortable habitations, lay unpeopled and desolate. Title-deeds, records and other papers of value, were either burnt or lost ; and so many years had succeeded the wastes of several places, that they had resumed the appearance of their original solitude. leo were both Harvard g^raduates, in 1680. — 1 Coll. Maine Hist. Soc. p. 263-5. * The meeting-house had been burnt by the Indians, but " the settlement was advancing."—! Coll. Maine Hist. Soc. p. 265 Mr. Emery was grad- uated at Harvard, 1691. t Mr. Jefferds died, Feb. 1752, ^Et. 48. In 1754, Rev. Gideon Richard- son succeeded Mr. JefFerds. After his death, Rev. Moses Hemmenvvay, Aug. 8, 1769, was ordained; and in Feb. 1811, Rev. Mr. White was settled with him as colleague pastor. — See Wells, ante, A. D. 1653. \ Rev. Mr. N. H. Fletcher was associated as a colleague with Mr. Lit- tle, in August 1800, who died Oct. 1801. \ Number in Wells, 1790, 3,070.— See 3 Mass. Hut. Coll, p. 138-140. Chap, hi.] of Maine. 81 Yet the government, the landholders, and the former inhabitants A. D. 1713. or their descendants, appeared ready to eneaee with courage and Committee TT • claims spirit in a resettlement of the country. Hence, " a Committee and settie- of eastern claims and settlements"* was appointed, in 1713, by the General Court, consisting of nine gentlemen, f four from the Council, and five from the House ; and after appointing clerks, and notifying by printed circulars, the times and places of their meetings, they were directed to receive and examine all exhibited claims to lands in Maine or Sagadahock, to sanction the titles of such as appeared sound and clear, and report the residue. — In reviving the wasted towns, it was thought to be more conducive to the people's safety and quiet, if they were to replant them- selves in neighborhoods of 20 or 30 families, — near the seaside, — upon lots of three or four acres to a family, — united in a close and defensible manner, and possessed of out-hnds in quantities equal to their necessities or wishes. Accordingly the General order of Court authorized the resettlement of five towns ; — these were courtTo Saco, Scarborough, at Black-point ; Falmouth, at Casco-penin- scarboro'"' sula; J^orth' Yarmouth, ^ and one at the mouth of Sagadahock ^^[.'[j^^Y^j.^ includins; Arrowsick Island. In no other than these and the sur- '"""^^ ^ ^ _ Arrowsick. viving towns previously mentioned, were people allowed to re- plant or resume habitances, without licenses from the Govern- or and Council ; till the proper designations and plans, through the medium of the Committee, could be matured. The next year, 1714, these towns became inhabited by sever- ^ ^ j^^^ al returnins; families ; to which accessions were annually made, Saco reset- ° ' . . lied and until they were enabled to resume their municipal privileges, named Bid- The settlement of Saco was so rapid, that the inhabitants, in 1717, settled Mr. Short as their minister, and exhibited at Win- ter-harbor a compact hamlet. To encourage their pious zeal, £40 were annually granted out of the Provincial treasury, for * A Committee of this sort was first appointed in 1700. f Of the Council, Elisha Hutchinson, Isaac Addington, John Phillips and Paul Dudley [Attorney General] ; — of the House, John Clark, Edward Quimby, Thomas Oliver, William Dennison and the Clerk of the House. — 8 Mass. Rec. p. 288. — The General Court said " the settling of the eastern " parts and frontiers will be of great benefit to this Province." — Preamble Statute, 1715. I But North-Yarmouth was not resettled till about 1721 — 2. The In^ dians were peculiarly hostile towards the settlement of this place. Vol. II. 11 82 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1714. four or five years, in aid of his support. The General Court also confirmed the ancient bounds of the town, lying on both sides of the river ; and the next year, ordered, that 50 families at least, be admitted and settled in a defensible manner, according to the directions of the Committee, and that after the 18th of Nov. 1718, the name of the town be changed to that of Biddeford.* Scarboro' SCARBOROUGH, prior to 1714, had been without inhabitant resettled. ^^^^^ ^gjj years. The settlement of the town was recommenced at Black-point, and was immediately followed by another at Blue-point and Dunstan. Though the government had found it im- practicable to protect the people at their homes from the ravages of a savage enemy, it had provided for their retreat to places of safety, and was now active and generous in aiding their return to their wasted abodes. In December, 1719, a town meeting was * Biddeford [or Saco] was settled about 90 years before its present re- vival. It had been a seat of government, and always a noted place. The Bufferings of the settlers were great in each of the three first Indian wars, being twice destroyed ; though a garrison was maintained there through the whole of the last war. In 1718, the town agreed to erect a meeting-house at Winter-harbor, 35 feet by 30. Here, Sept. 30, 1730, Rev. Mr. VVillard, the father of the late President Willard of Harv. College, was ordained pastor of a Congregational Church, organized at the same time. He was succeeded by Rev. Mr. Morrell ; and he, in 1779, by Rev. Mr. Webster. — Saco was a territorial corporation as early as 1643-4 ; made a town, in 165$ ; divided in 1772, and all on the eastern side of the river incorporated into a town by the name of Pepperellborough ; — chang- ed to Saco, in 1805. Between 1730 and 40, the settlement at Saco village was made. But from the first Indian war, to 1715, a period of 40 years, there is a chasm in the records of the town. Biddeford was first repre- sented in the General Court, in 1719, by Humphrey Scammon; who lived two miles below the Falls. Benjamin Blackman, a graduate of Harvard College, 1668 ; and B. Pendleton, Deputy-President of Maine, in 1680, both lived in Saco. — On the west side of the river, lived Richard Vinesy about 20 years, till he sold, Oct. 20, 1640, to Doct. Robert Child, and re- moved to Barbadoes. The most of his patent was purchased, in 1656 and in 1659, by Major William Phillips^ who resided there, and also purchased of different Sagamores, in 1661, the great tract between the rivers Mou- sum and Little Ossipee, and in 1664, the country between Saco and Ken- nebunk rivers, and most of HoUis and Limington. Phillips removed to Bos- ton, in 1675, and the next year made partitions of his estate. He died, 1683. — John Sandford, Secretary of Rhode-Island, was the first husband of his wife, whose son Peleg, was Governor of that colony, 1680-3. — On the west side of Saco river, resided several years James Sullivan, Gov. ; George Thatcher, Judge of S. J. Court, Mass. ; P. Meilen, 1st Chief Justice of Maine.— Sec 1st vol. A. D. 1653. Chap, hi.] of maine. 83 holden, and the next year, the records, which had been preserved A. D, 1714. in Boston, were safely returned ; the number of families resettled at that time, being about thirty. No minister was ordained over this people, till 1727 ; when a Congregational Church was form- ed, and in September, Rev. William Thompson inducted into the pastoral office. His weekly ministrations were alternately at the two settlements, until the second parish was formed at Dun- stan, about 1743, or perhaps until a short time before the Rev. Richard Elvins was settled there, in 1 744. Both ministers were paid by the town, during the life of Mr. Thompson, without dis- tinction of parishes.* None of the desolated towns, however, were resettled earlier Falmouth . ... reseuled. than ancient Falmouth. A strong garrison was maintained through the last war at Fort Loyal ; and one account states, that some of the former inhabitants were, as early as 1708-9, making preparations to return. f Within a short period, several dilapi- dated cottages upon the Neck were so far repaired, as to be ren- * The town records were preserved by the Governor and Council ; and transmitted to Lieut. Gov. Wentworth of New-Hampshire, who had an in- terest in the town, and who swore the bearer William Cotton, « that this book of records was the whole he had received from the Gov. and Coun- cil ;' and also swore James Jeffries ' to make a fair copy of them.' The successors of Mr. Thompson, were Rev. Thomas Prince, in 1762 ; and Rev, Thomas Lancaster, in 1775. In 2d Parish, Rev. Mr. Elvins was suc- ceeded, in 1776, by Rev. Benjamin Chadwick ; in 1600, by Rev. JSTathan Tilton. One account says, the 2d parish was established in 1758. — Thom- as Cammock settled in Scarborough, 1633, and died, 1643. — Henry Josce- lyn removed hither, about 1635, and resided at Black-point and Prout'a neck, 33 years. He married Cammock's widow. He sold his estate to Joshua Scottow, who removed hither, about 1680, and died in Boston, 1698. — Rev. John Thompson, born here, was settled in South-Berwick. — Rev. Joseph Willard, though born in Saco, " was reared from a child in Scarbo- rough"— and afterwards. President of Harvard College This town was the native place of Rurus King,— (New- York) ; William Kino, first Gov. of Maine, and Cyrus King, member of Congress — all brothers. Most of the land-titles are derived from Gorges through Cammock and others ; but a tract between the hamlets was purchased by Andrew and Arthur Algier, of Jane alias Uphannan's, an Indian woman, and descended to Andrew's grand-daughter who married John Milliken, — and hence the ♦< Milliken claim." — The town was represented in the General Court, in 1728, by Arthur Bragdon.—JtfS. LetUr Rev. JV. Tilton, »ee anteyVol. 1. A, D. 1658. t JVr. Sullivanj {Hist. p. 197,) says, " the inhabitanta began to return ^ again about the year 170&." 84 THR HISTORY [VoL. II. Ai D. 1714, dered habitable ; the first new framed house being built by Mr. Ingersol,* about the year 1714. To encourage the people in support of the ministry, while they were building a meeting-house, in 1715-16, the General Court granted them £20 ; there being at this time upon the peninsula, about 20 families. The territory of the town was extensive, and settlements were begun at differ- ent places, — especially at Purpooduck, Spurwink, and later at New-Casco, near the mouth of the river Presumpscot. In those places there had been fortifications ; and the Legislature, in 1714, consented to have the two former [now Cape-Elizabethf ] estab- lished as a township. But this was delayed ; the ancient boun- daries of the town as reported by the Committee of claims, in 1718, were sanctioned by the General Court ; and Nov. 11, of the same year, Falmouth was restored to all its corporate powers and privileges. It was represented in the House, the next year, by William Scales; and on the 8th of March, 1727, a Congre- gational Church was formed, and the inhabitants settled the Rev. Thomas Smith. For several years, his ministerial services were performed alternately at the meeting-house upon the peninsula, the block house upon Purpooduck-point, and the fort at Spur- wink ; — and sometimes at New-Casco, [now Falmouth.] Cape-Por- The resettlement of North-Yarmouth was delayed five or six iS^and'^'* years ; and Cape-Porpoise became the town which had a simul- Ar'undei. taneous revival with those just mentioned. Though it had never before its destruction compared with its neighbors in wealth or population, it had been inhabited by a bold and spirited people ; and in 1716, they and the proprietors joined in a prayer to the Legislature for a restoration of town privileges. The subject was referred to Mr. John Wheelwright, and orders given him to take the records into possession wherever he could find them. It seems * For this cause called " Governor Ing-ersol." I Cape-Elizabetli was incorporated, Nov. I, 1765; Portland, July 4, 1786 ; Westbrook [Stroudwater,] in 1814; — all being' parts of ancient Fal- mouth. Mr. Smith vs^as the son of Thomas Smith, Esq. Boston; — a gradu- ate of Harvard College, 1720; and when he was ordained, the churches of York, Kittery, Berwick and Wells assisted, being" all there were then in the Province of Maine. In town and proprietor's meetings, there was no distinction till 1730, when all settlers were admitted on paying- a sum of money — or shewing a continued possession ; others were excluded. — Ante vol. I. A. B. I6b8,—Sullivan, p. 197. Chap. III.] OF maine. 85 their town officers were chosen the next year ; and June 5th, a i). nu. 1718,* the town was re-established by the name of Arundel.! In 1723, it was represented in the General Court by Alanson Brown, its first deputy in that Body. Besides the resettlement of the eastern country ; another sub- pg^g^ j^q^- ject of much importance arrested the public attention. This was^^' the paper money which had flooded New-England, and now, since the war, exhibited the many and complicated evils of a fickle depreciating currency, connected with every pecuniary transac- tion of life. All agreed, that improvement was indispensible, while different projects excited unhappy divisions. One party was in favor of wholly substituting specie for the bills ; another advocated the establishment of a banking company, whose capital stock was to be real estate ; and the third, and predominant party, induced the Legislature to authorize a public loan of bills to any New loans one for a limited time, upon notes with interest, secured by mort- ' gage of real estate ; — the interest to be applied towards the sup- port of the government. So universal and so warm was this con- troversy, that it " divided towns, parishes and particular fami- lies and, unfortunately, the respective parties for the bank and the loan were nearly balanced. In this rage of party-spirit among the people, it was impossible Q^^^^g | for rulers to be neutral. But a change in the administration being accedes to ° o the throne expected, upon the accession of king George, who was proclaim- of England, ed in Boston, September 17th, 1714, Governor Dudley demean- * One account says it was in 1719. But 9 JIass. Rec. p. 207, says 1718. f Arundel, [Kcnnebunk-port, since 1820,] was made a town, A. D. 1653, by the Massachusetts' Commissioners, and mLmei^ Cape-Porpus.\a) — The lands were orig-inally granted by Gorges, and also by Rig-by. The agent of the latter conveyed to Morg-an Howell 100 acres, in 1648; and in 1661, to John Bush 400, to Gregory JefFery 200, and Richard Moore 400, all "within the villag-e of Cape-Porpoise, and Province of Lyg^onia ;" re- serving- « to Col. Alexander Rigby, Esq. President of the Province of Ly- g-onia," a yearly quitrent of 10*. per 100 acres. — Sullivan, 229. This place was settled as early as A. D. 1632, probably earlier.— Winthrop's Journal, p. 43. There are a few fragments of the town's doings between 1678 and 1689.— About 1719, Rev. John Eveleth was preaching- at Cape-Porpoise, and afterwards, for a period, his ministerial labors were alternate at this place and Saco, till 1726; and at the former, till 1729, with a salary of £20. That year. Rev. Thomas Prentiss was settled ; succeeded, September, 1741, by Rev. John Hovey ; in 1771, by Rev. Silas Moody ; and in 1816, by Rev. George Payson. (a) As then spelt. 86 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1714. ed himself with the wisdom and prudence best calculated to smooth his path to retirement. He was not actually displaced, however, till about two years* after this, and was then succeeded Gov. shute. by Col. Samuel SHUTE,f — and Mr. Tailer, by Lieutenant-Gov- ernor William Dummer. J The Governor's commission embrac- ed New-Hampshire as well as Massachusetts and Maine ; and the appointment met with general acceptance. AiD. 1715, The Committee of claims and settlements, in 1715, consisted of'SaimT of two Councillors, Messrs. John Wheelwright and Ichabod Plaisted, of Maine ; and six members of the House.§ They were able and influential men, and at their suggestion, the General Court perceived the inability of the people and proprietors, who , . . . owned lands and real estate eastward of Piscataqua, to recover Limitation ^ , ^ of real ac- them by legal process within the five years Hmited by a former statute, because of the late war ; and therefore allowed them the same period after July 31st, of the present year, to resume and estabhsh their claims to houses, lands or other real estate, within the territories of Maine or Sagadahock. This gave to all inter- ested, additional and fresh encouragement. The General Court, dcredloTe ^^s°> ^^^^ further advice of the Committee, ordered the sur- Jvom^Ber- °^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Berwiclc to Pejepscot lower falls, and ap- Jcpsco? **** propriated £50 to be disbursed from the public treasury towards opening it. Another subject, though of a different nature, which excited made'^ the public attention at this time, was the improper duties exacted port of en- New-Hampshire from the merchants and fishermen trading at Piscataqua. To obviate the difficulty, our government made the harbor at Kittery-point a port of entry, and adopted measures to * The delay was occasioned by the appointment, in the first place, of Col. Eliesus Burges, who was anxious for the office. But it being; thought by our ag^ents and friends in Eng-land, that he could not be an acceptable person to the people of these Provinces ; he was induced to accept from them £1000, and resign his commission. •f Col. Shute belong-ed to a good family. His father was a dissenter, and an eminent citizen of London, and his mother was the daughter of a noted dissenting minister ;— his brother. Lord Barrington, was in Parliament, at the head of the dissenting interest. The new Governor had served under the Duke of Marlborough, in Flanders, where he acquired great military reputation. I Mr. Dummer was a native of Massachusetts, and lived in Boston, $ These were, Oliver Haynes, Edward Hutchinson, Adam Winthrop, Samuel Phips, Lewis Bane, and John Leighton. Chap, hi.] of maine. 87 make its authority respected. A breastwork was erected north- A. D. 1716. erly of the point ; a platform laid sufficient for six guns ; a naval officer and a public notary appointed ; and all sea-captains and persons trading at the river, were required to pay imposts, powder- money, and other duties, as stipulated by law. The enthusiastic ardor, manifested the last year in the enter- pejepscot prise of reviving the eastern settlements and claims, still appeared change? rather to increase than to abate. The Indians were generally tranquil ; and in a great number of places, the return of the in- habitants is dated at the present period. Richard Wharton,, dying insolvent, his Pegypscot [or Pejepscot] purchase* was sold, in 1714, by his administrator, to Messrs. Winthrop, T. Hutchinson, Ruck, Noyes, Watts, Minot, Mountford, and two others, for only £100. The new owners, June 10th, in the present year, spread their Brunswick, interest before the General Court, with a request, that the pur- anTnarpi- chase, as they bounded it,f and the title, as stated, might be con- '^^'^'^ firmed to them ; and that the government, by its sanction, would encourage them in the settlement and defence of three new town- ships, which they proposed to have called Brunswick, Tops- ham, and Harpswell. The first was to extend " from Pejepscot Falls to Maquoit on Casco bay — equal to six miles square the second was to be surveyed of the same size on the easterly side of the river, adjoining and fronting Merry-meeting bay ; and the Aird to include Merryconeag peninsula, the two Sebascodegan Islands and others. It is said their prayer was granted ; when it was agreed, that if the government would exempt these towns from taxes, five years, and advance £400 towards the erection of a " good stone fort" at some place within their limits, they would * See ante, A. D. 1684. t They supposed it run *' from 5 miles above the uppermost Falls of An- « droscojgin river, on a north-east line, over to Kennebeck river, includ- " ing- what land lies to the southward of that line, down to Merry-meeting " bay :"— And from said Falls, 4 miles west, and so southerly down to " Maquoit ; — taking in the lands lying four miles west of said river. — Like- " wise the lands lying- southward of Merry-meeting bay, on the westerly " side, running down to Small-point harbor, and including Merryconeag- neck and the Island Sebascodegan, with the other Islands interjacent ; " and on the easterly side, running round Winnegance-point, so down Sag- " adahock river, along by Arrowsick Island, down to Atkins' bay." — Slate- punt of Kennebeck Claims, p. 11. — 1 Doug, Summ. p. 390. 88 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1715. engage not only to support a minister of the gospel, and school- master, but maintain a sergeant's guard of 15 men, and faithfully build and render defensible such a fortress. The public disburse- ment was accordingly made, and a fortification erected on the western side of the Androscoggin, opposite to the Lower Falls, George Called " Fort George.''^ It was constructed with two bas- erecied. tions, two half bastions with flankers on the top, sufficient for cannon.* When finished it was furnished with munitions of war ; and a garrison was supported there the greater part of the time, till the reduction of Quebec. f These Falls were a key which opened the western parts of the Province to the Indians. At this place the tribes from Canada, from Penobscot, and from Nor- ridgewock had meetings with the Anasagunticooks, to advise on their intended expeditions against the white people. There had been a slight fort here of angient date ; but while the country lay desolate, it had fallen into ruins, ir.ent of But thcsc towns wcrc not very speedily settled. In Brunswick, Androscog- ^^^j^j^ ^.^^ incorporated the earliest of the three, J there were, in 1718, no dwelling-places for families, except within the walls of the fort, and in the block house, near Maquoit bay, where Lieut. Woodside kept a guard to protect the stores while landing and pas- sing to the fort. A little before that time, three families settled in Topsham ; all of whom were afterwards destroyed in Lovewell's war.§ The settlement of Harpswell, commenced about the year 1720, was for many years only a precinct of North-Yarmouth. || George- In Conformity with the Legislative order of 1713, several Sncor-^** persons early the next spring, resumed a habitancy upon lands porated. mouth of the river Sagadahock. On the margin of Arrow- sick Island at Baker's Cove, John Watts of Boston, who had married a grand-daughter of Major Clark, built of bricks, trans- ported by him from Medford, in Massachusetts, a large dwelling- house wiih two flankers, — which stood 56 years. Another was erected about the same time by Mr. Preble at the head of the *8 Mass. Rec. p. 3S9-415. t Sullivan, p. 181. \ Brunswick was incorporated in 1738 ; Harpswell in 1758, and Topsham in 1764. In 175S, the line, as settled between Pejepscot and Plymouth companies, began at the mouth of Cathance river, and ran W. N. W. to the W. line of the patent, or claim. \ Coll. Mass. His. Soc. p. 141-2. )| MS. letter of Rev. Samuel Eaton. Chap, hi.] of Maine, 89 Island. In the spring of 1715, these two men, Edward Hutch- a.D. ni6. inson, Esq. and twenty-three others, being the whole number in the Island, petitioned the General Court to be incorporated into a town. It was a frontier, more remote than any other place at- tempted to be resettled, and might be a barrier in the emergency of war ; — ^therefore an object of the government's special favor. An accession of 15 families was immediately made to the set- tlement ; the Governor despatched from Fort Loyal a sergeant's guard of 20 men, to be protectors of the inhabitants six months ; and on the 13th of June, 1716, Parker's Island, and Arrowsick* were made a town or municipal corporation by the name of Georgetown. f * Parker's Island, Nequasset or Nauseag-, [now Woolwich] Stag-e Island and some others were treated and taxed as precincts of the town, accord- ing to the law and usage of the day, and made a part of the town itself. The inhabitants of Small point [now Bath and Phipsburgh,] were upon pe- tition set off from North-Yarmouth, in 1741, and united to Georgetown. One account states, that Wiscasset and Sheepscot were taxed with George- town several years, adjacents or precincts. The name " Arrowsick^'* is so spelt by Penhallow. The titles to the lands are holden " principally under " the Plymouth company ; part under Salter's right ; part under Sir Biby f Lake ; and a few by 60 years peaceable possession." — See ante^ vol. 1, p. 63. f Georgetown, {the 10th corporate town in this State,) took its name from " fort St. George''^ — (Popham's fort,) built by the colonists, in 1607; and is sometimes called " The ancient Dominions" of Maine. The census, in 1764, was 1,329. The ecclesiastical affairs of the town, were in an un- settled state, more than half a century. The clergymen, employed suc- cessively, were Messrs. William McClanathan, Robert Rutherford, Dan- iel Mitchell, and Alexander Boyd. The principal part of the people, especially the professors, were Presbyterians. In 1739, 14 of the latter associated into a church ; and in July, 1765, Rev. Ezekiel Emerson was ordained. In the course of a year, his church were united into a " Cove- nant engagement," and contained 45 members. This excellent man died, Nov. 9, 1815, aged 80. A meeting-house was built on Arrowsick Island, in 1761 ; and one on Parker's Island, in 1809, for the Freewill Baptists. A second Parish, now Bath, was formed in 1762. The town has been di- vided.— Woolwich was incorporated in 1759; Bath, in 1781; and Phips- burgh, in 1814, The present Georgetown is bounded, S. by the ocean ; W. by Kennebeck river ; N. by Monsweag bay ; and E. by great Sheep- scot bay ; and embraces Arrowsick, of 4,000, and Parker's, of 10,000 acres. About half of the town is of a good soil, which grows apples, wheat, bar- ley and com. The people, in 1820, owned 1,000 tons shipping; annually cured 4,000 quintals of cod and hake ; 40,000 lbs. salmon ; 500 bis. pickled fish, and 6,000 boxes smoked herrings. The town records begin in 1788. Vol. n. 12 90 THE HiSTORY [VoH. tL A.- D, 1716. Thfe is a place of laaore c^ebritj^, thin any other, exjcept. York A place of and FaJuioutb, wpotttbe enatera-coast. h vms 0ok)hified m 1 665' ; ^rcflt resort* ' visited in 1614, by the fiEimoDS Gap*. John Sraithi> idao sfaetohed a chant of the coast ; and setti»d betweea the )reaEs 1624. and 6. At) the latter date, Plj^moiith colony had a tradiiig house at the site of Popham's fort, near Sprmg^point ; and the settleiiaent had a gradual increase fifty yeairs, until there were on the Islands and both sides of the river, more than siioy families. Tlie place was ravaged and laid waste by the savages, in and in 1688 ; and from tfie latter year remained desolate till its late revival. Georgetown has had a gradual rise ;*»-45as been a place of great resort ; and in 1721, it was represented in the G^eral Court by John Penhallow. ^ These movements, especially the resettlement of Georgetown, seiiiers. encouraged the proprietors of the Plymouth [or Kennebeck] pa- tent to enter upon the improvement or occupancy of their terri- tory. United in project with the Pejepscot proprietors, they both offered to families severally, 100 acres of good land, and 'the removal of them and their effects, free of expense to them, if they would become settlers, within their respective proprie- torships ; promising them also contributions towards supporting a minister of the gospel. For the protection of the people in case of a rupture with the Indians, and for the promotion of trade, Cushenoc Doct. Noyes of Boston, one of the Plymouth proprietors, built a fort of stone, at Cushenoc, on the bank of Kennebeck river near Seiiiemenis the head of the tide, which is said to have been the best fortifi- on Keune- beck. cation in the eastern country. Here a garrison was, for a period, maintained at the public expense ; and according to Mr. Pen- hallow, so great was the encouragement given that several "towns, as Brunswick, Topshara, Georgetown and Cushenoc " began to be settled ; a great many fine buildings with saw mills " were erected ; husbandry began to thrive ; and great stocks of "-cattle were raised."* A bji)dg)0 of 300 feet counects the, two Islands.— 9 Mass, Rec. p. 75.— Letter of Benjnmin jiiggs, Esq. p. 182. * Penhallow {Mia/). Wars printed, in 1726,) says, NoyeB " built a stone g arri6ajaja."r4vg:«yta" at his owncharg-e" He was a Representative io the 0«neral Coiuit, andjdied, March 16:^:1721-2. After this tke fort was neg^ lected; andin LoveweJL'a. war, the inhobitantst withdrew** and the Jodians burnt it ;r-.wilit! styeral houses.— -1 CoU. Jif. H, Hist., Soc. :— -aod in 7 or 8 years the fishery ceased.— 2 Doii^. Sunim. p. 538.— ^cn. Qtaims, p. 15. Chip, in.] of maine. 91 Noyes being also patronized by soma fishmongers in London, a.d. 1716. entered largely into the sturgeon^fisbery, which he carried on sturgeon " in the several branches of the Sagadahock," seven or eight years. In some seasons, twenty vessels were taken into employ- rnent ; and " many thousand kegs" were filled, which were esteem- ed equal " to any that ever came from Hamburgh or Norway." Also vast quantities of pine boards, plank, — hogshead, pipe and barrel staves, and all sorts of timber, were annually transported from the river, as well to foreign places as to Boston. The field for settlement was wide ; the territory between the rivers Sagadahock and St. George, which had lain waste ever since it was depopulated by the savages in 1689, presented to settlers many attractions ; and various projects were devised and motives urged, to induce their return to the places formerly inhab- ited. Hitherto the county of Yorkshire had embraced only the old Province of Maine ; therefore, the General Court, in 1716, to render the administration of justice commensurate with its r ■ • Yorkshire jurisdiction, ordered, that " all the lands, families and settlements extended to eastward of Sagadahock" within the limits of the Provincial Charter be annexed to Yorkshire ; and that York be the shire town for holding all the courts, and for keeping the registry of deeds.* Governor Shute, who arrived, Oct. 4, 1716, took the reins sit a critical period of public affairs. The Province was emerging ^rJiief.''"'* from a long Indian war, which had oppressed the people with debt ; a depreciating paper currency had ahnost expelled specie from the country, and greatly embarrassed the trade ; and the royal prerogative, as managed by tlie Governors under the char- ter, had wrought up the public jealousy to such a pitch, as would render the chair unpleasant to any one appointed to fill it. — ^Tbe setdement of the eastern Provinces he found to be a popular and interesting topic ; and ift the ensuing winter or spring, an order was passed for the repair of the fort and the re-establishment of a garrison at Pemaquid. But the new settlements, the mills, and especially the forts, The natives had surprisingly awakened the animosity of the Indians, whom the French missionaries eagerly inflamed, by telling them the * 9 J\I(ut. Rec. p. 95-262.— The treaty of Utrecht had now extinguished the French claim to Sagadahock wholly. 92 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A, V. ni7. English had invaded their rights. What at the same time bdped to fan and feed the fire, was a rumour, that there were apprehen- sions of a war between England and France. As the best way to pacify the tribes, and keep them tranquil, it was determined to provide immediate and effectual means for instructing the older Indians in the christian religion, and the younger, in the elements of education, according to the practice of the fathers. The General Court therefore offered to pay any minister £150 annually, who would reside at fort George, learn the dialect of the tribe, and become their instructer. A young scholar was to be associated with him as a schoolmaster, and £10 placed in his hands to procure books and curiosities, which he was to distribute among the pupils according to their merits.* Ill August, In the mean time, the Governor, attended by members of the sici^The^ Council from his several Provinces, met in August, according to Srindfans. P^evious appointment, " a great number of Indians with the Chiefs of every tribe," and conferred with them at Arrowsick. The Canibas Sagamores believing themselves the most aggrieved, took the lead in the conference. The Governor presented them with an English and Indian Bible, and told them it contained the true religion ; and Mr. Baxter, a missionary who had attended him, would explain its principles to them. All people, said they, love their own ministers. Your bibles^ we do not care to keep ; — God has given us teaching, and should we go from that., we should offend God. The confer- It being found they were immoveably attached to the Catholic ' creed, the rest of the parley was upon the respective rights of the parties. The Sagamores complained of encroachments. They thought, that though the lands westward of the Kennebeck might belong to the English ; surely no sale had been made of the country eastward of that river. But, replied the Governor, * we * shall never part with an inch of our lands in that quarter.' Thinking this to imply more than was expressed or intended, they instantly rose and departed without ceremony to their canoes, paddUng away to another Island, the place of their head- quarters, and leaving their English flag upon the ground. Rale's let- In the evening they returned, bringing a letter from Sebastian Rale, the apostle of Norridgewock, addressed to the Governor, and * 9 Mass. Rec. p. 120. Chap, hi.] of Maine. 93 stating, < that the French king had never by any treaty, conced- A. D. 1717. * ed to the English the lands of the Indians, and that he would * protect them against every encroachment.' The Governor then let them know how highly he resented the insolent interference of the Jesuit ; and the next morning, he made preparations to re- embark. The Indians were by no means ripe for war. The older men were loath to quit their villages at Norridgewock and Penobscot, where they were living at ease ; and dreaded to become dependent upon the French, by whom, as they often said, they were treated like dogs, when there was no immediate want of their services. Full of apparent regrets for the incivilities offered the day before, two messengers came and solicited the English colors they had slighted — also, a further interview with the Governor. At nieht the conference was renewed. Pretending to be dis- _ o . ° Treaty con- satisfied with the words and conduct of their speaker yesterday, firmed, they appointed another. He confessed that some of their incon- siderate young men had been guilty of wrongs towards the English and were blameworthy.* But it is our wish, he said, ' to live in * peace, and to be supplied at fair prices with necessaries in the * way of trade ; and without talking at this time about lines and * limits, we declare ourselves willing, that the English should set- * tie and occupy where their fathers did ; though we very much * A part of the dialogue on the first day of the parley, follows : Wiwurna. — We are willing to cut off our lands as far as the mills and the coasts of Pemaquid. Govertwr. — Tell them we desire only what is our own, and that we will have. We will not wrong them, but will be masters of our own. Wiwurna. — It was said at Casco treaty, that no more forts should be made. Governor. — Tell them the forts are not made for their hurt ; they are for the security of both — we being all subjects of king George. Witourna. — We cannot understand how our lands have been purchased ; — what has been alienated was by our gift. [The deed to Wharton sigfned by six Sagamores was then read to them.] Wiwurna. — But surely nothing has been sold on the east side of Kenne- beck river. Governor. — We expect the English will be quiet in the possession of all the lands they have purchased and what they own. Wiwurna. — We are a little uneasy concerning these lands ; but are wil- ling the English shall possess all they have, excepting forts. We must have fishing and fowling where we will. Governor, — It is freely assented to and allowed. — 2 Hutch, Hist. p. 199. 94 THE HISTORY [Vou 11. A.D. 1717. « dislike their forts.' At length, the treaty of Portsmouth, signed in 1713, was, with their former allegiance, renewed ; and the Sagamores in accepting the presents made to them, returned a belt of wampum, a lot of beaver, and a toast to the king's health,* Timber- Next the timber-trees, and especially the white pines, in these trees. eastern forests, were made a subject of great consideration ; and being connected with the king's prerogative, it soon drew the Gov- ernor into an unhapp)'' controversy with the House. By the last paragraph in the Provincial Charter, " all trees of the diameter " of 24 inches — upwards of 12 inches from the ground, growing " upon any soil or tract of land within our said Province or terri- " tory not heretofore granted to any private persons'^ — ' were re- ' served for masting the royal navy : — And all persons were for- 'bidden to fell, cut, or destroy any such trees without the royal ' license, first had and obtained, upon penalty of forfeiting ^100 * sterling, for every tree so felled, cut, or destroyed without such * license.' j^^^ In consequence of some mismanagement by the surveyor-gen- fSurveyor- eral of the woods, John Bridger, Esq. :+ the extent both of his General ac- ' . . , , cused. power and of the reservation m the charter, became the subject of discussion and scrutiny. It was contended that the original Province of Maine, which was purchased of Gorges by the Col- ony of Massachusetts, had never reverted to the crown ; and every part of it, which was not granted to individuals, was now the public property of the Province. { At any rate, all the trees within any township were either private property, or what was equivalent, according to another clause in the charter, they were owned by the townsmen collectively, as a " body politic" or cor- poration. With neither, had the king's surveyor any concern. Nay it was believed, he was commissioned only to survey the for- ests and preserve the mast pines and other timber ; whereas he was accused of granting tacit permits to cut trees, and even of conniving at trespasses — then of making enormous exactions for the logs ; pursuing the wrong-doers with vindictive violence, and sometimes encroaching upon the rights of others. Pursued by Mr. Elisha Cook of Boston, who was the Councillor for Saga- Mr. Cook* jJjqq]^ jjjjg year, a man of good abilities and great influence * Penhallow's Ind. war 1 Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. p. 89. f His deputy for Maine, was first, Mr. Frazer; afterwards, Mr. Plaisted» a more popular raan. \ 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 229. — Ed. 1795. CHAr. m.] &F MAINE. 95 among ri>e peopte, entered warmly into this discussion. He said a.d. 1718 Bi»idger had no authority to grant any such licenses ; nor to com- pound with trespassers, for he had seen his commission.* He even went so far as to delineate to the House the malversation of that officer, and to charge him with betraying the trust committed to him.f Iti that body, Mr. Cook met with all the success he de- sired ; for his course was approved, and the proceedings of the surveyor-general were condemned. On the other hand, Bridger presented a counter memorial to j^^-^^^^j.,^ the Council in justification of his measures ; when the Governor, who made a merit of being a vigilant guardian of the royal in- terests, espoused his cause with great zeal, and transmitted the papers to the Lords of trade. The House, being thus indirectly censured by the Board, took an affront, and accused the Gov- ernor of sending home a partial statement of the facts ; and Cook, being quite censorious, had, by some unguarded expres- sion, so deeply wounded the Governor, that when the Councillors elect were, in the ensuing spring, presented to him, he by his negative, struck Mr. Cook's name from the list. The surveyor-general also, among his duties, was instructed to ^. inform the king's Navy Board, what oak timber suitable for ship duties, building, — what trees yielding tar, pitch or turpentine — and what land fit to rear hemp, could be found, which might be rendered useful to the fleet. In the discharge of this trust, as well as that of preserving the mast pines and ship-timber, he had the patron- age and aid of the Governor ; who said, he had a general super- inten dance of the whole, given him in charge by the Lords of trade. The Governor likewise represented to the House, that the pitch and tar, made and exported in great quantities, were tar. adulterated with sand, and that an act of Parliament had lately been passed, requiring more strict examination into their qualities. { This evil, the General Court had no objection to rectify, if it had become an evil worthy of notice. But the House were in tem- per to assume at once the whole oversight of the eastern forests ; * 9 Jlass. Rec. p. 280.— Committees' Report, Nov. 1718, ag-ainst Bridg-er. — 9 J\lass. Rcc. p 367. + It was said Bridger had received of one ir an £50 for masts by him cut and sent toEng^land ; and told the people they cuuld cut, without incurring the penalty mentioned in the charter. — 9 Jlass, Rec. p, 280. J Governor's Speech, A. D. 1719. 96 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1718. and accordingly appointed a committee of seven to that trust; A Commit- empowering them to take into possession all the logs found there- tee to over- . J J- 1 . see the east- in, and to direct the Attorney-General, when to institute or pur- ern (oresis. , , • i r . , , sue legal process, either for cutting trees, bleeding them for tur- pentine, or other trespasses.* This course deeply entrenched upon the authority of the Governor and the Surveyor-General ; and at the same time so sensibly touched the royal prerogative, as to occasion, the next year, an interposing act of Parliament. Trespasses By this, the penalties for trespasses in the royal woods, were re- Admiraity covcrablc in a court of admiralty,f where there is no jury, Courts. ^j^g judge only holds his office during the pleasure of the crown. Soil of Sag- By other paragraphs in the charter, { no grants of any lands thcc?own" lying eastward of Kennebeck river within the limits of the Province, which the Governor and Legislature might make or pass, should have any force or effect, until approved by the crown. But prior grants and all other estates, which were holden or ought to be enjoyed within the Province, under any act of the former governments, or by any other lawful right or title whatsoever, would be holden by the respective grantees and their heirs, ac- cording to the intent and interest of the grantors. Perceiving the fee of the ungranted lands in the Province of Sagadahock, to be in the sovereign, and the jurisdiction in the Provincial gov- Armstrong's ernment, William Armstrong and others, who had been officers project. ' ° and soldiers in the army, presented a petition to the board of trade and plantations, for a grant of those lands. The subject underwent several discussions before their Lordships, the petition- ers being strenuously opposed by the provincial agent. It was proposed, that if Massachusetts would resign her jurisdiction to the country eastward of the Penobscot, she should have the property in the soil westward of that river confirmed to her by the crown ; by which means her interest would be enlarged, and she would be enabled to effectuate more extensive settlements. But acquainted as she was entirely, with the value of her rights and * 9 Mass. Rec. p. 510. — In 1721, the Deputy or Surveyor-General gzve license to cut the trees of the woods as belong^ing' to the king ; and a Com- mittee was ordered to secure the logs cut under the license, for the use of the Province. t See ante, Courts," Chap. 1, vol. II, A. D. 1692-3-4. I Ancient Charters^ p. 26, 34. Chap, hi.] of maine. 97 the importance of this eastern region to her, she instructed her A. D. 1719. agent to make no concessions ; — and consequently the project altogether failed. Efforts were unabatins; through the year 1719, towards the enlargement of the towns and settlements already begun, and the ^^^^J"^*^^^*^*^^ establishment of others, especially eastward of Kennebeck river : George's . river. also some preparations were made for removals ; as proprietors were anxious to repossess themselves of their lands, through fear of being barred by the statute of limitations. Hence in the present and succeeding summer, two or three persons settled at Damariscotta, under the " Tappan Right,^^ and made improve- ments. Within the patent to Elbridge and Aldsworih, or Drown Right,^^ repairs were undertaken upon the fort at Pemaquid. William Hilton and John Brown were now residents at New- Harbor upon the ^' Brown Right and in 1724, "a survey " was made of the lands granted to John Brown the elder, ac- " cording to the limits and boundaries of the Indian deeds."* — For the purposes of settlement, the Waldo Patent was divided, in 1719, into ten shares, — and the "ten proprietors" assigned two thirds to the "twenty associates" formed, — and retained the rest. * At this period, there was not a house between George- * town and Annapolis, except a fish-house on Damariscove Isl- * and, nor " until the time that ♦S'^. George^s fort was built,"f fonP^^'^^" in 1719-20. Here were erected a capacious and defensible building, on an elevation near the easterly edge of St. George's river, at the elbow, and a blockhouse at a short distance, having a large area between them enclosed by pallisades, and capable of receiving 250 men.f Another fortress, called jPor^ ilzcAmonc?, p^rt Rich- was built about this time on the west bank of Kennebeck river, opposite to Swan Island. § * See ante, Jl. D. 1650 ; and post, A. D. 1729.— Fort William Henry built at Pemaquid, 1692, destroyed, 1696. — See in Commissioners'* Reports^ Jl. D. 1811, p. 15-18. — GatcheWs Deposition., p. 95. — Brown'^s Deposition, p. 109-115.— Presco^f* and Pearce's Deposition, p. 116-118.— In 1730, there were, in what is now Bristol and the adjacent towns, " at least 150 set- tlers."— Col. W. Jones'* testimony, ib. p. 144. t P. Roger's Deposition, taken 1773, ib. p. 60.— Probably the fort was finished in 1721.— 10 J^Iass. Rec. p 379. I Memorial of J. Leverett and others.— 10 JSIass. Rec, p. 380. The fort was in Thomaston, in front of the mansion-house of the late General Knox. \ The Fort, situate near the water, was not large, nor very firmly con- voL. n. 13 98 A.D. 1719 Duty on lumber re- pealed. THE HISTORY [Vol. II. Mast- trees marked. Dissensions of the Gov. and House. The grateful expressions with which the Governor was saluted, on account of the share he had in obtaining a late Parliamentary repeal of the duty exacted on lumber imported from America, were almost the only political consolations he experienced this year. His approval of an impost, a twelve month before, was censured by the Lords-Justices, in the king's absence, be- cause English vessels and manufactures were not excepted ; — still the House were hardly induced to revise it. — ^To preserve the forest-trees, the surveyor-general sent out his deputies, who marked an immense number of them with a capital R. and other- wise made a new display of his authority. This marking scheme was a novel expedient, as it was also unfortunate at this time, for upon no other subject than the timber, was the House more sen- sitive. Yet the Governor, with a full knowledge of the public feeling, had the imprudence to declare to that body, his deter- minate purpose, conformably to a late instruction from home, to support the surveyor, at all lengths, in the discharge of his offi- cial duty. This opened the half-smothered embers, and the House sent in a protest, which so severely charged Bridger with raal-conduct, that the Governor declared it should not be printed ; adding with extreme indiscretion, " remember, I have the power of the press." So sacred and well understood were the sentiments of liberty in this age, that no royal Governor, however able and wise, could by possibility maintain his master's prerogative, and at the same time satisfy the people and their representatives. Suffice it to say, that during the residue of Gov. Shute's administration, through a period of three years, the dissensions between him and the House were continually increasing, till they rose to a lament- able height. In return for his negation of Councillors and Speaker of the House, and other arbitrary acts ; he was allowed a smaller salary than his predecessors ; agents were appointed to inspect the garrisons, though he by the charter was Commander- in-Chief; a duplicate of the records was taken ; and as though structed. It was dismantled in 1754.— It was in the present town of Richmond ; — ten miles below the mouth of Cobbisecontee. The site of Richmond Fort was not far from the margin of the river, on ground, 12 or 15 feet above the water ; from which the land gradually ascends ; and thereabouts, there was, in 1820, a hamlet of 15 or 20 houses, a few stores, and 2 or 3 wharves. Chap. iii.J of maine. 99 his integrity was suspected, a motion was made to withdraw from A. d. 1719. him and the Council, the keys of the public chest. Another perplexity of much ereater moment, in fact, to the Indians in* community, was the insolence of the Abenaquis Indians, every where noticeable since their return from the winter hunting.* Peo- ple acquainted with their character, thought their behavior was a strong indication of some hostile attack ; and therefore the Govern- or, soon after the spring session of the General Court, despatched forty men into Maine, to guard the frontiers, and watch the mo- tions of the savages. These were distributed, 15 to Falmouth, 10 to Scarborough, 10 to Arundel, and 5 to North-Yarmouth fort, though the resettlement of the latter place had not been un- dertaken in a regular defensible manner. The summer rather deepened than allayed the people's fears ; and at the November ^ ^ session, the General Court appointed three commissioners, Wil- Guards sent liam Tailer, Edmund Quincy and William Dudley, with instruc- '"^'^ tions to meet the chiefs of the Canibas Indians at Brunswick or some other convenient place ; to ascertain if possible, the grounds of complaint and difficulty ; to demand a reparation for the in- juries done, — and to propose a revision of the trade, — a limited occupancy of our own lands, — and an offer, that some of the chiefs, according to their desire, take a voyage to England ; as- suring the tribe at Penobscot, that the spirit of peace, which their letter breathed, had received a most acceptable welcome. It being late in the season, the commissioners had no interview ^ ^^^^ with the Sagamores, till the succeeding June ; when it seemed, Jjjne. by their report, that if the Kennebeck proprietors and the Cani- port, bas Indians could agree upon boundaries, the fearful difficul- ties might be reconciled.f A committee was then raised to con- sider the subject of boundaries; £223,155. were appropriated towards the support of a garrison at fort George, on the Andros- coggin ; and 50 soldiers were continued in public pay till the au- soldiers in tumn; twenty of whom being .stationed at Richmond fort, and Swan-Island. * See letter, dated Merry-meeting bay, May 1, 1719, from Joseph Heath and John Minot, to Governor Shute. They say, the Indians called a coun- cil, and said the Jesuit spoke his mind, not theirs ; that they did not employ him to write for them, &c.— 8 Coll. M(U». Hist. Soc. p. 265, J^ew Series. t The conduct of the commissioners did not please the House ; they did not get any pay for their services. 100 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. A.D. 1720. In this critical posture of eastern affairs, Capt. Thonnas Coram, ptoject'for ^ visionary theorist, promulgated a project for settling the Saga- Sapalfa ^ahock Province, and raising upon the lands a quantity of hemp hock. and flax, sufficient for supplying the royal navy with cordage. It was proposed, that a large number of men should be incorporated with a capital of £100,000 sterling, and with a charter of privi- leges suited to the enterprize ; that the territory be granted by the crown to the corporation in fee ; and that the whole direction be entrusted to a board of seventeen managers. To remunerate Massachusetts for a surrender of her jurisdiction, she was to have the privilege of subscribing £20,000, and owning a fifth part of the interest. As the scheme, wild as it may appear, was not without its advocates, it was thought that the preferable way to frustrate it, would be to inflate the vain conceit of the projector. Hence he was induced to withdraw, in anticipation of something greater, or more entirely acceptable to all. But when he found the region between Kennebeck and Penobscot was not to be in- cluded, he fell into a fit of passion, exclaiming, " it is all a trick to save that fine country, for the villainous people of New-Eng- land."* The bubble burst ; the fever for speculation in Ameri- can wilds about this time was greatly cooled by the severe ani- madversions of Parliament ; and Coram's project was laid aside for ten years. Affairs of An experiment of the same character, previously proposed by lia. " him in Nova-Scotia, met with no better fate.f That country, rendered interesting to us by its contiguity, had only in a small degree increased in numbers and wealth, since it had become a British province. During the administration of Samuel Vetch, four years from 1710, and of Francis Nicholson, five years from 1714, these Governors had been able to do nothing more, than bring the inhabitants into a state of nominal obedience. Nor did the country in any respect have a flourishing growth, even after Colonel Richard Phillips was appointed Governor in 1719. For though the executive Council, consisting of twelve members, were a respectable body ; yet the twenty-four deputies, chosen by the twelve districts into which the Province was divided, were of a nondescript character, being merely distributors of orders, and messengers of the people's wants and wishes ; as they never Dumraer's letter, September, 1720. t2 Hutch. Hist. p. 203. Chap, hi.] of Maine. 101 acted collectively as legislators, nor as judges. The inhabitants A. D. 1720. were mostly Frenchmen, who could not understand English ; ig- norant, not one in an hundred able to write or even read ; and dupes to their priests, as they would rather die than renounce the catholic religion. They were also miserable husbandmen and mechanics. Nay, the deep-rooted and habitual antipathies between the French and English, created collisions which neces- sarily rendered society unhappy, during the extended period of thirty years, in which Governor Phillips was in the chair. The Acadians having strongly attached the natives to them by ^^^^^ an assimilation of manners, an unity of worship, and an inter- ^^-^p^ J^re- ' f^' toil and course in trade, were now prepared to make Cape Breton^ the Causeau. depot for their future fishery and trade. On the other hand, the English had formed a fishing establishment at Canseau, which was frequented, especially in the summer months, by many traders ThoEng-- from Massachusetts. Instigated by the French, the Indians in ''s'' p'i"ider- o J ' ed liy the great numbers, attacked the place, August 7, and plundered it of '"^^^"^'7 fish and merchandize, to the amount of £20,000. The news of this rapine, though evidently committed by the .^^^^ ^^^^j^ Mickmaks alone, ereatly emboldened their western neighbors, and '^'"■■mfd Uy ' ^ . . Indians. in a still greater degree, alarmed the apprehensions of the inhab- itants. To allay their fears. Governor Shute despatched east- ward a small re-enforcement, giving the command of the whole to Colonel Shadrach Walton ; and when he met the General Court, November 2, he declared, he "had certain information, that the Nov. 2. *' Indians were committing great outrages on our eastern settle- " ments, by killing catde, and by threatening and insulting his " Majesty's subjects. "f Rale, the famous Jesuit, was deemed the principal instigator of j^^,^,^^,^^^ these insults. He was a man of talents and learnine; ; and by , , conduct. his condescending manners, religious zeal, and untiring persever- ance, he had greatly endeared himself to the tribe. He had re- * Cn-pt, Bnton was an Island still claimed by the Fi-ench ; who contended that it did not pass to the English when the French resigned to them " all Nova-Scotia and Acadia, with its ancient boundaries."' The J''rench took possession of it in Ang'iist, 1713, and called it Isle-Roynl. — See ante-, treaty of Utrecht, SOth March, 1713.— 2 Hdmcs" Am. Ann. p. 05-6. f According- to Charlevoix, the Indians sang- the war-song- in 1720; and the place of general rendezvous was at " Narantsouate," as be spells Nor ridg-ewock. — 4 J^ew-France, p. 120. 102 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1720. sided with them and been their tutelar father, thirty years ; and many of them he had taught to read and write. To render their devotion an incentive to violence, it is said, he kept a banner fig- ured with a cross, which was encircled by bows and arrows ; and while he was giving them absolution before they proceeded to war, or upon any hostile expedition, he was in the habit of sus- pending the flag from a tall standard at the door of his chapel ;* aware of the advantages gained, if he could give every bold sally of the Indians, the character of a crusade. Fond of epistolary cor- respondence, he kept up a constant intercourse with Vaudreuil, the Governor of Canada ; giving him an account of every settlement, fort, or other enterprise, commenced by the English ; and receiv- ing in return, advices how to incite and direct the Indians against the settlers. He sent Governor Shute a very bold letter, filled with curious logic, to prove the exclusive rights of the Indians to the country they inhabited. f Measures The different branches of the government were not agreed »eTze°h!m!° what course was best to be pursued against him. The House resolved to send a warrant to John Leighton^ sheriff of York- shire, and orders unto Co/. Walton, to attend him with a military guard of 150 men, and directed them to proceed to Norridge- wock, seize the Jesuit, and bring him to Boston dead or alive ; — offering them a reward of £500 for his body, besides the usual wages. If he could not be found, or if the tribe refused to pro- duce him, it was ordered, that several of the principal Indians be seized and conveyed to Boston. But the Council non-concurred the resolve, thinking a reward of £200, large enough ; and at the same time, believing, in view of the present posture of our affairs with this tribe, that it was inexpedient to send any armed force. The Board were extremely anxious to perpetuate peace ; while the Governor considered the resolve equivalent to a declar- ation of war, and a direct " invasion of the prerogative."! It *2 Belk. N. H. p. 41. \ See appendix to John Pickering's Essay on the Orthography of the Indian Languages in J^orth-America, p. 40-2 : who having- examined the Jesuit's MS. Dictionary of the " Abnaki" lang-uajj^e, gives him the name R^LE, as the orthoepy, though often spelt Rasles and Ralle. Mr. Picker- ing says, that Dictionary is divided into two parts— 1st, 205 leaves are French and Indian ; 2d, 25 leaves are Indian and French or Latin. 1 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 219. Chap, hi.] of Maine. 1 03 would necessarily prevent a negotiation, which was still devoutly A. D. 1720. anticipated ; and hence, the proposition of the House was post- poned. To the Indians at Penobscot, who as a tribe had not been con- Tiie tribe at .,./., . 1 r m A r\ Penobscot cerned in the late mischiefs, there was given the value ol £40 addressed, in presents ; also a courteous letter was addressed to them, — in hopes to perpetuate their forbearance. At the same time, it was represented to the General Court, by a memorial from the rep- resentatives of York, Kittery, Berwick, and Wells, tiiat more tlian 100 men had volunteered or been detailed from these towns f"'?*'^" «° Maine. to join CoL Walton, leaving the places weak and exposed. The House therefore resolved, that they be relieved by substitutes from other counties, and that not another soldier be detached nor enlisted in Yorkshire. As to the propriety of these measures, and the expediency of attempting another conference with the Indians and sending them a missionary, all parties were well agreed : — in other respects there was no political concord be- tween the Governor and House. It being at length discovered, that JVotaries public, hitherto appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, were such civil offi- P"*^'" cers as ought to be chosen by the Legislature ; the House at once on their part made the election, and sent the list to the Council for their concurrence : — they being ever afterwards elected by the General Court. In the present instance, all the House intended, was to shew an independence of the Execu- tive ; and the most the Governor could do, was to raise doubts, if they ought by the charter to be sworn, — protesting against this fresh encroachment upon his prerogative. An election, in the ensuing May, 1721, was made a subject^ j72j. of still greater scrutiny. This was the choice of Paul Dudley, ^^^^f now the third time elected into the Council for Saeadahock. '^>> Coun- " cillor for He was a son of the late Governor, and a Judge upon the su- Sa?ada- preme bench ; a man equally distinguished for his talents, learn- ing and integrity. But he was the successor of Mr. Cooke, late Councillor for that Province ; and a supporter of Gov. Shute's administration. His residence was in Roxbury; and it was surmised, that he was not the proprietor of any lands within the territory for which he was elected. In the discussion before a Committee of the House, appointed to investigate the subject, the judge supposed the enquiry into his qualifications was too iries ic. 104 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1721. late ; it should have been made, if ever, before the election, or certainly before he was sworn. He said he was willing to exhib- it his deed to any individual member, desirous to see it ; but must decline to lay it upon the speaker's table, as required ; for it was well known, there were various claimants to tracts in Sag- adahock, and the House might vote his own deed insufficient, and prejudice the title. Dissatisfied entirely with this answer, the House voted it to be an affront, and his refusal to produce his deed, abundant evidence of his being a non-proprietor ; and resolved, that his election was void. But in consequence of the Council's non-concurrence, he held his seat through the year ; and it is said, that afterwards every non-resident Councillor elect, made affidavit that he was a proprietor, before he took his seat and official oath at the Board. Party-spirit was yet only one of the many causes, which ren- dered the current spring gloomy. So many were the fears of a rupture with the Indians, that few or no new settlements were un- dertaken ; and some of those which had been revived, were des- -inTo^^r P<^"d*ng J while several families had already submittted to an move. abandonment of their homes.* Nothing could present a greater gjjy^^,g discouragement ; — and the Governor about midsummer issued P.rociama- ^ I^roclamation, requiring ' the inhabitants to remain upon their * estates and keep possession of the country.' But who could expect obedience to a mandate so extraordinary ? If their own property and habitations had no allurements sufficient to prevent removals, it were unreasonable to expect, they would tarry mere- ly to form a barrier against the hostile natives. Loans of Trade was again declining ; and the large loans of paper money, ^'"'* made by statute orders of the Legislature on a pledge of lands, were oppressive to debtors, though the government had been the gainer by a gradual depreciation. More than a year before this, it was ascertained, for instance, by the Commissioners of York- shire, Messrs. Preble, Leighton, Came and Plaisted, that this county had received loans to the amount of £100,000.f As enterprise declined, and the prospect of a continued tranquillity receded, trespasses in the woods were less frequent ; and the * J\Ir. Hutchinson [2 Hist. Tp. 209y) says, settlements were deserted, ia 1720— 76. p. 236. t Yet they were to be discharged, if they would pay a balance in specie of £50, 19s. 9d. [9 Jlass. Rec. 1719,] — a considerable sum at this period. Chap, hi.] of maine. 1 05 Legislature with great coolness, declared it an encroachment upon A.D im his Majesty's rights, to fell trees fit for masts ; and then resolved, lllfjj;^'*^'' that whenever tliey were cut into logs, these should be taken into custody lor the use of the Province. There was evidently a numerous peace-party among the In- virus of ibe dians themselves ; and some believed the tribes in general to be as averse to war as the colonists. The chiefs had frequent parleys with the inhab tants, and officers at the forts, in which they ex- hibited good sense and a just regard for their rights. *' We have, *' (said they,) fought for our lands three times, and if there be " need we are ready to fight for them again :" still ' we love the * songs and *' calumet" of peace, and are ready to give an earn- * est of our sincerity.' About this time, there was a great meeting of them at Nor- The ('ani- ridgewock, for the choice of a chief to succeed Toxus, lately l,oIia7cs fo deceased. The old men and those averse to war, acting con- trary to the wishes of Rale, selected Oui-kou-i-rou-menit, a well known advocate for pacific measures. It was a joyful occasion ; and it would seem, there were English emissaries present. In the subsequent conference, the Sagamores agreed to inquire into the injuries committed by the Indians, and as a pledge of their fidelity, presented the English a lot of beaver skins, with a promise of 200 in all ; consenting to send also, four hostages to Boston, as sureties for the good behavior of the tribe, as well as jor a reparation of the damages sustained by the inhabitants. Rale was extremely displeased with these transactions, and im- mediately despatched a runner, with a letter of particulars to the Governor of Canada. When Vaudreuil received the intelligence, he pronounced the VaudreuiPs Sagamores, deluded dupes, who had basely betrayed the interests of their tribe into the hands of the English. Nay, in his reply to Rale, he says, the faint hearts of your Indians in giving hos- tages for damages done those, who would drive them from their native country, have convinced me, that the present is a crisis in which a moment is not to be lost. Therefore I have applied to the villages of St. Francois and Becancourt, and prevailed upon them to support with vigor their brethren at JVorridgewock, and send a deputation to the place appointed Jor negotiating the proposed treaty, who dare let the English know, they will have Vol. XL 14 106 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. A. D. 1721. to deal with other tribes than the one at JVorridgewock, if they continue their encroachments. Rale and '^^ ^GGp the Indians in a state of irritability, and inspire ihera the natives, with courage and firmness, the Governor and Intendant of Cana- da, sent Father de la Chase, and Lieut, de Croisel to Norridge- wock, with instructions to visit Penobscot, and engage their chiefs to be present at the anticipated negotiation, and strengtlien their brethren ; — also to assure them, that if the French should not in fact join them, they will assist them with as much ammunition as may be needed. At this time the Indians had chapels at St. Francois, at Norridgewock, and at Penobscot,* lately built ; in all which they were usually supplied with the instructions of cath- olic priests. Having received from these apostles, lectures strongly tinctured with Romish fanaticism, the Indians oftentimes left home, resolved to persist in their demands, and in their first talk with the Colonists, accordingly appeared obstinate and inso- lent. But either through a consciousness of the fair conveyances actually made to the English, or an ardent desire of quietude ; they presently softened to a better temper, and frequently gave the proprietors and settlers, fresh assurances of enjoying their lands without molestation. These favorable symptoms lasted till they saw Rale ; and so often had his malignity, pride and offi- cious interference awakened among the Indians new complaints, that the people of the Province, for good reasons, ranked him " among the most infamous villains," and would have given more for his head, than for an hundred scalps of the natives. August 4. About the first of August, a body of 200 Indians, borne in 90 visit Arrow- canoes, and attended by Rale, la Chase, Croisel, and Castine the younger, arrived at Padeshal's Island, in Georgetown. They were well armed, well clad, and appeared under French colors. The leaders proceeded to Arrowsick Island, and in the course of their interview with Captain Penhallow, the commander of the garrison, they presented him with a letter addressed to Governor Shute, purporting to be in the name of several tribes, and posi- tively declaring, that if the settlers did not remove in three weeks, threats Indians would come and kill them all, destroy their cattle and burn their houses : for, added they, * you Englishmen have taken *' Father Lauverjat was the missioaary to the Penobscot tribe.' — Cor- respondence between him and Rale. ChaF. in.] OF MAINE. 107 * away the lands which the Great God has given our fathers and a. d. mi. «us.' The escape of the hostages from their residence upon an Isl- ^^^^.^ j^^^^^ and near Boston, soon afterwards, induced strong fears that aasesescapc. storm was gathering, which would fall upon some unsuspecting, or unguarded part of the frontiers. Expresses were forthwith despatched into the eastern Provinces, to inform the soldiery, gar- risons, and people, of the escape, and caution them against sur- prise ; also to make reprizals of all Indians seen armed, and de- tain them, till the hostages either surrendered themselves or were recovered. The General Court, being specially convened, resolved, Aug. The Indians 23d, upon a course of measures against the Indians, which they as'Seis'^ termed, a prosecution for rebellion. Besides ordering 300 men to be raised for the eastern service, the legislature issued a man- datory proclamation, requiring the tribes to surrender Rale, and every Jesuit priest, and all rebels, and to make ample satisfaction for all injuries past ; or else the Indians, whereever found, would be seized and sent to Boston. If there were opposition, force roust be repelled by force. Some supposed this procedure rash ; and many good people remembered with pai[i, how many of the government's stipula- tions, made or renewed in the treaty of Arrowsick and at other times, had never been performed. No trading houses had been erected ; no smiths or armorers had been provided at the public charge lor the accommodation of the Indians ; no places had been publicly established, where in a fair barter they could ex- change their furs and skins for provisions, ammunition, clothing and other articles. Perhaps traders had defrauded them, and hunters provoked them ; and the veins of war when once opened, could not be easily closed. Though the hostages were taken and returned to the castle, HostagM and consequently the war measures relaxed ; the quota of 300 J,e"3oo**nien men were raised, and put under Col. Thaxter, and Lieut. Col. Goffe ; and the violence of prejudice against Rale, ran to such a height, that it was determined by the House, to have him brought to Boston a prisoner or a corpse, without farther delay. But the Governor scrupled, if any of these rash measures against the 108 THE HISTORY [Vot. li. A. D. 1721. tvibes were expedient or prudent ; and the process to take the Jesuit was again postponed.* The cast" of As Castine the Youngerf was with the party that lately ap- Castine the peared in array at Arrowsick Island ; some of our eastern soldie- ry, under the general order to seize such Indians as were seen in arms, took hiin into custody and sent him to Boston. To in- dict and try him for rebellion, or treachery, before the Superior Court in Suffolk, as the House were ready to order, would be putting him on trial in one county, contrary to law, for an of- fence committed in another; and therefore a committee was ap- pointed to examine him. Castine was a cautious sensible man, favored with the gift of address ; and in the investigation, he professed as he had uniformly done, the higliest friendship and respect for the English. He affirmed, that he had lately return- ed from a tour abroad, — to prevent his tribe from doing mischief; and solemnly promised, that he would use his utmost endeavors to keep the Indians in a state of peace. It would have been diffi- cult, in fact, even to describe his offence, and it was unjust to de- lain him. His influence was great among the Sagamores; his representations were plausible and apparently sincere: and at last he was discharged. The arrest ol him was in itself cruel ; and any punishment inflicted upon him would have been a disgrace to the government. J Aiioirpts to Early in the November session, the General Court resolved, tuke Ktii jIj^^ there were reasons still existing, sufiicient to prosecute " the * 2 Hutch. Hist. f). 244. i See ante, .1. D 1713. Chn^lfvoix [Alh vol. A. F. p. 115-17,] sa3S tlie Eriglisli despatched a vessel to his residence which was on the bTders of the sea ; where Castine came on l)oard, and they carried hirn (o Boston. He was then brought to ttie bar, and rnterrogated :— ' wl y t id 3 oh aUend * the conference ? — in what capacity ? — IJid not Vaudrenil send 3 011 there ? ♦ — What means your French uniform?' — Answer by Castine*—/ h<tve al- ionys lived with my kindred and people ; my mother tons one nf them ; J had the command ttf them ; and I would not fail to attend a meeting where their interests were at stake. But I received no orders from Vaudreuil Ifi attend. JMy habit is only an uniform suited t» my birth and condition ; fir J have the honor (f bdng an office" under the French king. — Charlevoix adds, that he was set at liberty after five months. I Castine the yonn^ger, eldest son of Baron de St. Castine, lived* wrUi his maternal' relations ; and in 173^1, became acknowlbdgcd chief of the In- dians ; his muster roll imports him to be a chieftain, and " his coronet de- •ijfnates his claim to nobility ."~8 Coll. JIass. Hist Soc. p. 256, new series. Chap, hi.] of Maine. 109 Eastern Indians for their many breaches of covenant and in Ai d. I72i. December, a party was ordered to Norridgewock, under Col. Thomas Weslbrook, to seize the notorious Rale. They arrived at the village undiscovered, but before they could surround his house, he escaped into the woods, leaving his books and papers, in his chest or " strong box," which they brought off without doing any other damage. Among the papers were his letters of correspondence with the Governor of Canada, by which it ap- peared, that he was deeply engaged in exciting the Indians to a rupture, and had promised to assist them.* Since, however, there had not hitherto been in all these collis- ions any blood shed ; the government suddenly changed its more vigorous or violent measures, to schemes calculated to sof- ten the asperities of the Indians ; and sent a valuable present to Bomaseen, an old' influential sachem of Norridgewock, in hopes to enlist his influence on the side of reconcihation.f At the ensuing session, in May, a petition was presented to the a.d. 1722. Legislature by John Smith and other proprietors of JYorth-Yar- ^nM^l-Yar- fnouth,1^ praying that the township might be re-established, and IXied.'* suitable persons appointed to revive and manage the resettlement, in lieu of the trustees designated under President Danforth ; and proposing to have the proprietary settlers augmented to sixty. Accordingly, William Tailer, Klisha Cooke, William Dud4ey, John Smith and John Powell were appointed trustees, who held their meetings in Boston, five years; but afterwards within the township. The heirs or assigns of Gendell, Royall, Lane, Shep- perd, and a few others, held their " old farms otherwise no re- gard was paid to the original allotments, nor to quitrents. About 406 compact, or contiguous house-lots, severally of ten acres, * S toll. Mass. Hist, Soc. p. 252, 2d series. — One book was a Dictionary of the Abenaqnes languag^e ; — deposited in the library of Harv. College, t 2 Hutch. Hist, p 247. X See ante, ^. D. 1680. — North-Yarmouth had laid waste, since it was destroyed by the Indians, A. D. 1688.— The Rev. Ammi R. Cutler settled, Sept. 1730, and dying- in 1763, was succeeded the next year, by Rev. Ed- ward Brooks; and he by Rev. T. Gilman, in 1769, who died in 1809. The next minister was Rev. F. Brown; — afterwards, President of Dartmouth College. The town has been divided. Freeport was incorporated in 1789; Pownell, in 1808; Cumberland, in 1821.— North-Yarmouth was first represented in the General Court in 1759 ; and in 1760, by Jeremiah PowelL — ^orth-Yarmoutk Ruords. 110 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1722. were laid out ; to which were annexed marsh-flats, each of four acres, and portions of the whole township, equal to 500 acres to each individual, besides Island-rights. Lots were also appropri- ated for the use of the ministry, the first settled clergyman, and schools ; and it seems, the fort was finished, being now occupied by a small garrison. The progress pf settlement was slow ; yet within the succeeding eight years, a meeting-house, fifty feet by forty, was erected, and the Rev. Mr. Cutter, ordained. North- Yarmouth was an important township, forming a connecting link between Georgetown and the towns westward upon the seaboard. Exertions to This was the last effort made for several years, to effectuate revive new ^ ' wtiiempnis any new settlements. Our relations with the Indians were assum- suspended. *^ ing a bad posture ; and unhappily for the Province, the Governor and House were far from entire concord, in a single measure. He had expected an established salary of £1,000 by the year, whereas he was allowed only an annual stipend of £500 in de- preciating currency, less in fact that £200 sterling. There had been a late instance, when he could not so much as obtain a vote of the House to give an Indian tribe £10, though it were for the purpose of perpetuating a peace. At length, tired of controversy, without popularity, pleasure, or emolument, he suddenly formed the resolution of leaving the chair, which he had filled six years Gov. Shuie and two months ; and in December he embarked for England. Engiajid' Here he lived upon a liberal pension, to the advanced age of four^ score years. If he were not endowed with great abilities for government, and if he sometimes indulged in amusements incon- sistent with his official station, he was a true lover of liberty ; and had it been his lot to rule in times when the waves of party-spirit had not run so high, his administration would not have been un- popular. Chap. OF MAINE. Ill CHAPTER fV. LovewelPs war — Motives of the French — Condition of the Indians — Thdr political relations to the English — Their reprisals — Their attack upon St. George's fort — Brunswick burnt — Heath's exploit — War proclaimed against the eastern tribes — Force raised — Officers — Part of Georgetown burnt — Indian village at Penob- scot burnt — Sickness and losses of the English — Mohawks urged to join them — St. George's fort beseiged — Troops in pay — The enemy's attacks upon the towns — Battle at the river St. George — Capt. Winslow killed — The Indians seize upon the eastern vessels — Pursued, they abandon them — Norridgewock taken — Rale kil- led— Commissioners sent to Canada — LovcioeU's successes — Coch- ran's exploit — Lovewell's 3d Expedition — His celebrated fght at Pcgwacket [Fryeburgh] — The roar — Thoughts of peace — Indian village at Fort Hill [Bangor] destroyed — Affray with Castine the younger — A negotiation — Peace French displeased. An outrage by the northern Indians at Kennebunk — Letters from the Indians — Losses in this loar. The fourth Indian war, begun in 1722, and since denominated a.d. 17!!0 the Three years'' or LoveiveWs war., was carried on by the natives '° themselves, principally, against the provincials of New-Ha nn p- war. shire, Maine, and Nova-Scotia. As there was at this period a well settled peace, between the English and French crowns, the Canadians durst not take any open part in the controversy, through fear of being charged with violating the treaty. But, they JJ^'^jy," ''"'^ affected to represent the Indians as an independent people, and »he French, secretly incited them to drive the English settlers from the frontiers and the reviving plantations. By acts and pleas o( exclusive friend- ship, they had enchained the confidence of the savages, in bonds not easily broken ; while the basest passions still lay at the bottom. Stript of the disguise, the dark designs appeared in bold relief and deformity. Old prejudices and ill-will towards the English, were only sleeping embers, even in the calms of peace. The French, having been in possession of the country eastward of the Pe- nobscot, were fully determined either to recover it, or to keep the 112 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. Ai n^i720 settlements in perpetual check. By a kind of magic, the rulers of Canada artfully moved the springs behind the curtain ; and Rale, la Chase, le Masse, and other Jesuit missionaries, gave am- ple proof of their skill in political intrigue, as well as that of mul- tiplying converts. ?h^iaSam. The eastern tribes were manifestly in a sad dilemma. They were situated between the Colonies of two European nations, often at war with each other, and seldom under the influence of mutual fellowship. In their frequent negotiations, and individual parleys and conversations with the English, they were frank to open their whole hearts. They knew themselves to be ignorant and needy, and to be viewed as a savage race of men. But why, one enquired of them, * are you so strongly attached to the * French, from whom you can never receive so much benefit as * from the English A sachem gravely answered, *' because the " French have taught us to pray unto God, which Englishmen " never did." Their ^ Summary of thoughts and expressions dropped by Indians, at different times, will shew their views. ' Frenchmen speak * and act in our behalf. They feed us with the good things we *need ; and they make us presents. They never take away our * lands. No, but their kind missionaries come and tell us how to * pray, and how to worship the Great Spirit. When the day is dark- * ened by clouds, our French brothers give us counsel, in trade * with them, we have good articles, full weight, and free measure* * Indians and white men have one Great Father. He has given * every tribe of us a goodly river, which yields us fine salmon * and other fish. Their borders are wide and pleasant. Here * the Indians from oldest time, have hunted the bear, the moose, * the beaver. It is our own country, where our fathers died, * where ourselves and our children were born ; — we can never * leave it. The Indian has rights and loves good as well as the * Englishman : — ^Yes, we have a sense, too, of what is kind and * great. When you first came from the morning waters, we took * you into our open arms ; — ^We thought you children of the sun ; * — ^We fed you with our best meat. — Never went a white man * cold and starving from the cabin of an Indian. Do we not * speak truth } * But you have returned us evil for good. You put the £lam- ' ing cup to our lips ; it filled our veins with poison ; it wasted Chap. IV.] OF MAINE. 113 * the pride df our strength. Ay, and when the fit was on us, a. d. 1720 * you took advantage — ^you made gains of us. You made our ' beaver cheap ; then you paid us in watered rum and trifles.— < We shed your blood we avenged your affronts. Then you * promised us equal trade, and good commodities. Have chris- * tian Englishmen lived up to their engagements ? Never, — for * they asked leave of our fathers to dwell in the land, as brothers. ' It was freely granted. The earth is for the life and range of * man. We are now told the country spreading far from the sea, ' is passed away to you forever,— perhaps for nothing, — because of * the names and seals of our Sagamores. Such deeds be far from * them. They never turned their children from their homes to * suffer. Their hearts were too full of love and kindness — their * souls too great. Whither should we go ? There is no land so * much our own— none half so dear to us. Why flee before our * destroyers ? we fear them not— sooner far, we'll sing the war * song, — ^and again light up the council-fires : So shall the great * spirits of our fathers own their sons. To take our lands from ' us, the English lawmakers and rulers themselves, as some * folks tell us, have long ago forbidden you. All the forts and * mills, built again, are contrary to treaty, and must be laid low. * The white men shall give more place to Indians, — so shall the * lines and extent, we require to see established, be where we * please to have them.' The season for reconciliation Was past, and the means aimed Kecohcilia- at such an end, were all fruitless. Partition lines could not be Jj^J^j^P'"'**^' established t For the Indians, unable to read or write, were quite unacquainted with the purport or effect of the instruments, which their chiefs had sanctioned by subscribing their marks, or family ensigns. They had no better records, than faint inscriptions upon the tablets of memory made at the time, which were soon ef- faced. There was a jealousy entertained also of spurious deeds. The Indians supposed that all the conveyance, which a Saga- more intended, was merely a consent given during his life, to al- low the applicant a right of residence, in common with his tribe. In attempting to do more, they thought he transcended his pow- ers. If therefore, the purchasers would retain the lands after his decease, they must pay anew the consideration. Whereas the English, on the contrary, believed that the Indian title was Vol. II. 15 114 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. K.^ATHXi entirely extinguished to all the tracts upon the Androscoggin, the Kennebeck and other rivers, which the Sagamores had by their deeds conveyed. The poiiti- g^jji ^ difficult to determine with precision what was the cal reldlions ... . ofthecolo- true relation, in which the Indians stood to our Provincial nisls and In- dians, government. They claimed and inhabited territories, which the charter embraced ; yet, in all negotiations and sales, their rights were acknowledged. They also acted in treaty as an in- dependent people ; nor was there a pretext, that they could be justly driven away by force, while they were quiet. Oftentimes, they had solemnly declared themselves, subjects of the British crown. Hence, in war, they were called rebels, and in negotia- tion, they acknowledged themselves to have deserved the name, without having any adequate idea what it imported : while in peace, they had no concern with our institutions. They neither sought nor enjoyed any of our civil privileges, as citizens, except unmolested security. An Indian was never known to seek re- dress of an Indian, through the medium of our laws. To ask alniSj— -to trade, — or to fight, — ^was" all the intercourse they wish- ed to have with the English colonists. Prospect of Determined still to prevent a rupture, if possible, the govern- ment in the first months of the year 1722, invited the Indians to another conference, where it was apprehended, the French em- issaries would not presume to be present ; but the message was treated with derision. The attempt to seize their holy Father had opened a deep and bleeding wound ; hostilities appeared to be inevitable ; and two thirds of the provisional forces, enlisted or detached, and put under the command of Col. Thaxter, were retained either in service, or as minute-men, till spring. June 13 Meanwhile, the Indians made preparations for war. Their Jj^"^'^repr«s- first act of violence was, June 13 ; when a party of sixty, prob- Indiaos. ably from the Canibas and Anasagunticook tribes, appearing in 20 canoes, on the northern margin of Merry-meeting bay,* took nine entire families. It seems, these were seized as reprisals, for all the prisoners were soon dismissed, except five of the men, namely, Hamilton, Hanson, Trescott, Love, and Edgar, who were retained as indemnities for the safety and return of the four * Perhaps about Pleasant-point, and about Fulton's point, near the head of Muddy river, — 3 Coll. M(U$. Hi»L Soc, p. Hi. Chap, iv.] of maine. 115 hostages holden by the English ; being ultimately sent to Canada, a. d. 1722. at which place, their friends paid an unreasonable ransom for their liberation. At Damariscove, a small party of six, headed by Capt. Samuel, boarded a fishing vessel ; and when they had pin- ioned Lieut. Tilton and his brother, they beat the unfortunate skipper and men unmercifully. At length, one getting loose, re- leased the other, and they and the fishermen taking weapons, fell suddenly upon their assailants, mortally wounding two, and throwing one overboard.* Next the Indians endeavored to surprise the fort at St. Georee*s '^^f^ ^ ^ ^ _ ° lacks on ibe river—continuing the attack until it was found impossible to force fori ai St. ^ ^ . George's a surrender. Here also they burnt a sloop and took several pris- river, oners. In July, a larger body from Penobscot, renewed the attack ; and being spirited up by a friar, who appeared among them, they prosecuted the siege with unremitting perseverance, twelve days. But they were unable to excite any fearful appre- hensions, till they had made considerable progress in undermining one side of the fortification. However, the heavy rains caused the banks of the trenches to cave in upon them, and put an end to the enterprize. In this descent, we lost five men, and they twenty. John Leverett, and other proprietors of the Waldo patent, who had erected and manned th6 fortress, at their own expense, and " projected the settlement of several towns" within their territo- ries, proposed to make it a public garrison. The proposal being accepted, government sent thither 45 men, and the necessary munitions of war ;f and at length gave the command to Colonel Thomas Westbrook.f A vessel bound from Annapolis to Boston, touched at Passa- pasta- maquoddy for water, having on board several passengers. Unin- formed of the late hostilities, as soon as they and the crew were ashore, they were made prisoners by a mixed party, consisting of 10 or 12 Indians, and about an equal number of Frenchmen. In making arrangements to divide the cargo, they sent the master to the sloop ; when the wind springing up fresh and fair, he and the people on board cut the cables and fled to Boston. Those left were afterwards released on payment of ransom.^J ♦ Penhallow's Indian wars. — 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 250. — 4 Charlevoix, p. 120. + 10 Mass. Rec. p. 380.—See ante, A. D. 1719. X Com. Rep. [A. D. 1811.] p. 60. \ Some were killed in the vicinity of Pcmaquid about the tim« the war 116 THE HISTORY [VoL. II, A. D. 1722, Every fort was particularly marked for destruction. A man AiCasco, was shot, July 12, on Casco neck, (if the authority be under- stood,) and the English driven into the garrison. But the Indians were pursued, at night, by a party under Captain Starman, and several of them killed."^ About the same time, they made a bold descent upon Fort George and the settlement at Brunswick ; bunltr'^*^ setting the ''village" on fire, which was reduced to ashes.f The enemy then withdrew to Kennebeck, where they celebrated their successes by a great dance. A feat of Capt. John Harman, then at Kennebeck, hearing of these events and his ' took a Company of 34 men, from the forces posted on the fron-* £n$!*^" ti^J* about and above Georgetown,! and proceeded with them up the river. Late in the night they saw fires in the woods, appar- ently not far from the river ; and on going ashore, they happen- ed to strike on the very spot, where the Indians had hauled up eleven of their canoes. Dazzled by the glare of the light, Har- man and his men, ere they were aware, actually stumbled over some of the Indians' bodies, as ihey lay around the fires, buried in sleep, and the more deadened by the fatigues of the preceding dance and other exercises* In ten minutes, the brave pursuers dispatched 15 of them, and took their guns, without the loss of a man. Startled by the noise, a party of the Indians, more remote, rose and fired thither several guns, though without effect, Har« man, on his return, found the body of one Moses Eaton, mangled in a most barbarous manner, which he removed to a convenient distance and gave it a decent burial, Aiitheeast. These several attacks, including the one mentioned short concerned of two years since at Canseau,^ gave satisfactory evidence, in^tiie rup- ^j.^^^ ^| bribes eastward of the Merrimack, were accomplices in these outrages. The inhabitants on the frontiers were panic struck ; and the country was generally disposed to take arms im^ mediately. But the General Court, even to the end of their spring session, thought it more judicious, still to extend to the In- dians the cup of conciliation. The friends of the English cap- tives were importunate to have measures taken for their redemp^ broke out. John Pierce says, I took a vessel and thirty men and brought "my father's family away" from Muscongus. — JOepo. in Report^ p. 111-1?. * Smith's Journal, p. 10. f See ante, A. D- 1713. X Probably at Fort Richmond.— ^ee ante, A. P. 1719. \ Ante, Aug. 7, 1720. Chap, iv.] of Maine. 117 tion without postpone njent ; and the Indian hostages were sent A. I). 1722. eastward, for the purpose of effecting an exchange. Both in and out of the legislature, there were men, who doubted whether a war upon the natives would be right, or even justifiable. * Not * to mention the waste of blood and treasure, always incident to * this arbitrament in the last resort, — we have been (as they ex- * pressed themselves) derelict, both as to moral and stipulated du- * ties. — ^We have not performed our engagements towards the In^ ' dians, in the establishment of trading houses, and the prevention * of frauds and extortions, according to our treaty-promises. The * measures of strong drink dealt to them are a scandal to our re- * ligion, and a reproach to our country.' On the contrary, it was said, if the Indians had suffered wrong, juiy 25. they had not sought to government for redress, as it had been ^tnied°' agreed in the articles of treaty. They had chosen rather to take gf^^tern int vengeance into their own hands ; and therefore, after Brunswick was burnt, the Governor and Council resolved, July 25, that the " eastern Indians were traitors and robbers," and declared war against them and their confederates as the king's enemies. The declaration premised, that in return for the kindness and forbear- ance of government, they had lately, with the utmost treachery, *' proceeded to plunder, despoil, and take captive many of his *' Majesty's good subjects ; to assault, take, burn, and destroy " vessels upon the seacoasts, and houses and mills upon the land ; *' to wound some, and in a most barbarous and cruel manner mur- " der others ; and in a way of open rebellion and hostility, tq " make an audacious and furious assault upon one of his Majes- ty's forts, when the king's colors were flying." But still it sub-t joined, that should any of those, who have not been concerned in these perfidious acts, be desirous to put themselves under the pro^ tection of government, the privilege would be extended to thenj for the space of forty days. It also forbade all friendly Indians, to stir from their places of residence, unless attended by some one of the men designated for the purpose. The General Court, meeting August 8th, pronounced the de- August 8. claration of war expedient, and promised « all necessary and imme^ timely assistance." It was determined to take into employ two more armed vessels, and a large additional number of whale-boats ; 1 18 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1722. and to keep constantly under pay about a thousand men.* — In distributing their service, 1 00 were stationed at York, 30 at Falmouth, 20 at North- Yarmouth, 10 at Maquoit, 25 at Arrow- sick, and 25 at Richmond fort. A large scout of 300 was ap- pointed to destroy the Indians' strongholds and habitations at Pe- nobscot ; and a body of 400, to range perpetually, by land or water, through the eastern country, especially upon and between the rivers Kennebeck and Penobscot. A bounty of jC15 was of- Bounties of- fered for every scalp taken from a male Indian 12 years old and upwards, and £8 lor every captive woman or child. Troopers in suitable numbers were detached to act as videttes, and ample provision was made for supplies. Every company, or troop, en- tering into the public service, on a sudden alarm, was entitled to a bounty of £30, a reward for prisoners taken, and a division of their plunder among themselves. Afterwards the government offered to every volunteer, who would enter into the service with- out pay or rations, £100 for a scalp ; and if he only had rations, £60 ;f and also promised pensions to all, who should be wounded. The other New-England governments, not being seasonably consulted, afforded no assistance, and the burdens of this war Tbeprinci- rested almost solely upon Massachusetts, New-Hampshire and pal oflScers. j^^j^^g^ q^I s^adrach Walton, and Col. Thomas Westbrook, had successively the senior command ; they and Captains Pen- hallow and Say ward, being New-Hampshire men. J Major Sam- uel Moody belonged to Falmouth, and Captains Jeremiah Moul- ton, John Harman and Lewis Bane, to York ; these several gen- tleman being the principal officers of all the forces raised and put under pay. ^ , There was at this time, however, some distraction or impolicy Nova Sco- in the management of the war. For while Capt. Southwick in the Province sloop, was sent into the waters of Canseau, (Nova Scotia,) against the Indians, who exhibited an uncommon bold- * The wages were, per mdnth to a Captain, ; Lieutenant, £4 ; Ser^ g-eant, £j2, 18s. ; a Corporal, j^2, 5*. ; a private, £2. The currency was to sterling, as ^ to 1.— 2 Belk. JV. H. p. 45. + They were to have articles at the original invoice. No soldier to have more than his allowance in rum, nor exchange his arms. — 10 Jtfo**, Rec. p, 419-20. X A small part only of the forces, was raised in that government. — 2 Hutch. Hut. p. 266. Chap, iv.] of maink 119 ness, in seizing, or attacking vessels ; the General Court appear- A. u. 1722. ed highly dissatisfied with Col. Walton — a favorite of the Com- mander-in-Chief. Nay, popular prejudice was ready to look upon the Governor, as the evil genius of the war. While he was advising and planning an expedition under Walton, to Penobscot, a large body of 4 or 500 St. Francois and Mickmak In- dians, fell upon Arrowsick, [Georgetown,] Sept. 10, early in the Gpor^c- morning, determined to reduce the garrison and destroy the vil- ^^^^^ lage. Happily the purpose was in part frustrated, by a discharge of musquetry from a small guard, which Capt. Penhallow had ordered out to protect the neighboring husbandmen, while they gathered their corn. Three of the enemy were wounded and one killed ; and the inhabitants, apprized of their danger by re- port of the guns, effected a safe retreat with most of their sub- stance, into the garrison. The Indians, then falling upon the cattle, killed fifty head, and set twenty-six houses on fire, which were consumed. In a new assault upon the fort, they made no im- pression. Our loss was only one man, Samuel Brooking, who was shot through a port-hole. At night, arrived Col. Walton and Capt. Harman, with thirty men, who were joined by about forty from the garrison, under Captains Penhallow and Temple and all proceeded to encounter the enemy. A smart skirmish ensued, which lasted till our forces perceived the danger of being outflanked and overcome by superior numbers ; when they re- treated to the garrison, and »the Indians, after dark, retired up the river. On their way, they met Capt. Stratton in the Province , The enemy sloop, whom they mortally wounded ; and proceeding to fort kui Capt. ^ Richmond, offered the garrison a profusion of insult, and then insult Hich- paddled up the river to their head-quarters at Norridgewock. °° " The burning of the greater part of Georgetown, which had been resettled only six years, filled the inhabitants with every discour- agement.— ^Though after this, a few individuals in different places were taken off by the particular aim of skulking Indians ; the last one that fell in Maine, during the autumn, was a man at Berwick. * Capt Robert Temple had some military command at Arrowsick. He had been an officer in the Irish army ; and came over with a large num- ber of families to settle in the country ; but this war prevented. — 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 268. 120 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A; D. 1722. The ill success of the war, being imputed in part to laxness in Causes of military discipline, a committee was appointed to ascertain the our ill sue- . . cess. number of effective men on our frontiers, and of those absent on furlough ; and to examine into the condition of our troops. Their report, when made, contained representations exceedingly unfa- vorable to the reputation of the officers. It stated, that soldiers in great numbers were allowed to be absent on furlough 6 or 8 weeks at a time ; that many of them were indulging intemperate habits ; and that the garrisons were remiss, both in their watches and their discipline. For * we,' added the Committee, ' walked * through the town of Falmouth twice in one night, without being * hailed, though there were several military companies in the * place.* Wait'on sue- Govcmor left the Province, Colonel Walton Wesibrook displaced ; the chief command of the eastern forces given to Colonel Thomas Westbrook ; and a better disposition made of all the military, f His expedi- The expedition to Penobscot river was revived, and the con- tion to Pe- ^y^j. q£ emrusted to that commander. He left Kennebeck, Feb. 11, at the head of 230 men, and with small vessels and whale-boats, ranged the coast as far eastward as Mount Desert. On their return, they proceeded up Penobscot river ; and, March 4, came to anchor, probably in Marsh bay. From this place, they set out to find the fort ; and after five days' march through the woods, they arrived abreast of several Islands, where the pilot supposed the fort must be. * Being obliged here,' says the Colonel, * to make four canoes to ferry from Island to Island ; J * I dispatched 60 men upon discovery, who sent me word on * the 9th, that they had found the fort and waited my arrival. I * left a guard of 1 00 men with the provisions and tents, and pro- * ceeded with the rest to join the scouting party. On ferrying * over, the Indian fort appeared in full view ; yet we could not * come to it by reason of a swift river, and because the ice at the * 10 Mass. Rec. p. 426. f Westbrook supplied the garrisons at Winter- harbor, Captain Ward ; at Spurwink, under Lieutenant D. Jordan ; and John Brown's garrison at Saco Falls.— Fo/jom, p. 218. J Was not this place the lower Stillwater in Orono, 6 miles above Ken- duskeag? — Why were canoes wanted in February ? — Rev. Mr. Smith says, "February 1, a summer day."— It might have been an open winter. nobscoi. Chap, iv.] of Maine. 121 * heads of the Islands would not permit the canoes to come round ; a.d. ma. * therefore j we were obliged to make two more, with which we •ferried over. We left a guard of 40 men on the west side of * the river, to facilitate our return, and arrived at the fort, by 6 * of the clock in the evening. It appeared to have been deserted, * in the autumn preceding, when the enemy carried away every * article and thing, except a few papers. The fort was 70 yards* * in length, and 50 in breadth, walled with stockades 14 feet * in height, and enclosed twenty-three " well finished wigwams," * or as another calls them, " houses built regular." On the * south side, was their chapel, in compass 60 feet by 30^ hand- * somely and well finished, both within and on the outside. A * little farther south, was the dwellingbouse of the priest, which * was very commodious. — We set fire to them all, and by sun- * rise next morning, they were in ashes. We then returned to * our nearest guards, thence to our tents ; and on oiir arrival at *our transports, we concluded we must have ascended the river * about 32 miles. We reached the fort at St. George on the * 20th, with the loss of only four men. Rev. Benjamin Gibson * and three others, whose bodies after our arrival here, we inter- * red in usual forin.'f * One author says feet," — instead of " ya.rds,''^—/ 1 utchinson, f See letter, March 23. 1723, from Colonel Wcstbrooki [called by mis-» take, " Otis,"] to Lieut. Gov. W. Diimmer.— 8 Coll. J\Jass. HiH. Soc. p. 264-5, 2d series ; also 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 273. — But an interesting- questioil has been raised^— " Where was the site of this important fortress and vil- lage?'''' Some suppose it might have been the ancient «JV>^as/^' — or vil- lage on " Fort Hill^''^ situate a league above the mouth of Kenduskeag* Stream : for when could that have been destroyed, unless at this time — See ante nf this Hist. vol. 1, Chap. 18.— Yet Col. Church makes fio ttien- lion of the latter, when he and his troops,- in August, 1696, scoured the riv-* er; nor Major LeVingston, who travelled tip the river< ih Nov. 1710^ od his way to Canada. It must have been built after the latter date, and be* fore or during the present war. It could not have been very ancient, be<* Cause the pltfugh has turned out, since the American revolution^ many ar* tides of iron, steel, and lead, of modern form and structure i yet if it were quite modern, there would be some tradition of it All we can learn is^ that it was called by the first settlers in Bangof— ' the old French and In-^ dian settlement,'' on Fort Hill, This could not be thought 32 miles from the place of VVestbrook's anchorage— short as seamen's miles are over wild lands. Nor are there Islands here, corresponding with those he men- tions. The alternative then is, the site must have been Old-town, or the ancient Lett mentioned by Levingston.— Se« anie, A. J}. 1710.— That i» Vol. n. 16 122 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1723. Another expedition was directed at the same time, under Capt. Expedii on Harman, against Norridgewock. That he might the more surely wotk. take the place by surprise, he and liis party, consistmg of 120 men, setting out February 6, proceeded up the Androscoggin to the curve nearest the sources of Sandy River ; and here they came to a halt. January had been very mild and rainy, the riv- ers were open and icy, and the lands full of water : — therefore it was concluded, that it would be impossible to reach the place of destination, either by land or water, and the soldiers, dividing into scouts, returned without seeing an Indian. Sickness* In addition to the reverses of fortune, hitherto experienced by us, since the war commenced ; we are constrained to mention the " great sickness," which spread and prevailed among the sol- diery, and gave a surprising damp to military enterprise. Proba- bly it was owing to this calamity, that our forces through the season acted only on the defensive. For, during the year 1723, Our losses between 20 and 30 persons were killed in Maine, or carried >ear. j^^^^ captivity, besides other mischiefs done by the enemy. — We begin with Falmouth, which was assailed in April ; when the In- dians, supposing Chubb, a fort sergeant, to be Captain Harman, all aimed their guns at him, lodging in his body eleven bullets. It was a lucky mistake for his companions, since they all thereby Berwick, escaped safely to the fort. In May, two were killed at Berwick, ^«*j!s. one at Wells, and two on the way from that town to York. On the 19th of April, and 26d) of June, the garrison-house of Roger Scarboro'. Deering,* in Scarborough, was surprised ; and his wife, two of the inhabitants, and two soldiers, were killed ; also John Hunne- well, Robert Jordan, Mary Scammon, and Deering's three chil- dren, while picking berries, were, about the same tinie, seized and carried away captive. Five Indians, in August, entered the field of Dominions Jordan, a principal inhabitant of Saco, fired at him situated on a beautiful Island ; and below it are falls, and a small Island. — Lieut. Gov. Duminer (speech, May 1723,) says, " we have demolished the fort and all the bnrlding-s at Penobscot." The village at Fort Hill was probably destroyed by Capt. Heath. — See post, A. D. 1725. * This was on the Nonesuch-river, between Black and Bl\ie-points. At Black-point, eight of the people were killed ; and arnon^ them, was " Capt. Hammon," (by one so called,) " a respectable leader, who died of 15 g-un- shot wounds." The attack was sudden, but the people defended themselves bravely in the fort. — Sullivan, p. 217. — Thomas Larrabee and soq killed, April 9, 1723.— Rev. Jtir. Tilton's letter. Chap, ir.] OF MAINE. 123 and wounded him in three places. As he was still able to walk, A.D. 1723. he presented his gun at them, and while they, being afraid to seize him, were reloadin'^, he retreated backwards till he recov- ered the garrison.* The enemy next took a turn westward and committed outrageous acts upon the towns of Dover, Rutland, and Northfield. Massachusetts had been long endeavoring to draw again the The Mo- Mohavvks into the war against the eastern tribes ; and at length, August 21, the Lieutenant-Governor was visited at Boston by a delegation of no less than 63 of their chief men. After pre- senting him with a belt of wampum, and receiving in return pieces of plate curiously engraven with figures of a turtle, a bear, a hatchet, and a wolf, the escutcheons of their respective tribes ; the government gave them a fat ox, which they killed with bows and arrows, as in olden time, and celebrated a feast with songs and dances. It was a novel spectacle, but of no importance; for they were resolved not to take up the hatchet, unless they themselves were molested. They would make no other engage- ment, than to give their young men liberty to act as they pleased. f Only two of them entered into the public service, and these were sent to Fort Richmond, then under the command of Capt. ihe semce. Heath. In a few days, the Captain ordered Colby, his Ensign, to take them, and three of the garrison, and go on a scout up the river. Scarcely had they travelled a single league, before the two Mohawks said they smelt fire, and were unwilling to go fur- ther, till they were re-enforced. The messenger, sent back to the sjtifniish fort, soon returned with thirteen auxiliaries ; and the whole party, yfic[,^o[,j presently meeting with 30 of the enemy, killed two and drove the rest to their canoes in so much haste, that they left their packs. Colby was slain ; two of his men were wounded ; and the Mo- hawks, already sick of the service, immediately left it and returned to Boston. At this time, no settlement, house, nor vessel anchor- ed in the eastern parts, was safe. One Capt. Cogswell and his crew, were surprised and taken, in October, at Mount-Desert, as Sjouni'^)e.* they were stepping ashore ; and about the same time. Smith and XJindei. Bailey were killed at Cape-Porpoise, one on Vaughan's Island, * This was on a neck of land at Winter-Harbor. Rev. R. Jordan's pos- terity are among the principal people in the place, — one a Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and another a Senator. — Sullivan^ p. 227. ^ 11 Mass. Kecords, p. 64-5. 124 THE HISTORY [VoL, II, A.D. 1723. and the other on the seashore, not far from the site of the old meeting-house.* FortatSti The last attack of the Indians, this season, was December 25, Genrfjfl be- ^ ' ^ sieged. upon the fort at St. George's river. Being fortunate enough to take two prison«^rs, who gave them intelligence concerning the indefensible condition of the garrison, the assailants, about 60 in number, were encouraged to prosecute the siege for thirty days, with a resolution, or rather madness that vvras desperate, They seemed to be flushed with the absolute certainty of compelling a surrender of the fort. But Capt, Kennedy, the commanding of-, ficer, being a man of intrepid courage, held out till Col, West^ brook arrived and put the enemy to flight. f IliruMuier ^^^^ protection of the eastern country through the winter, service. X50 men were equally divided into three ranging parties; and about an equal number were distributed and assigned to the dif-^ ferent towns and garrisons, namely, St. George, Arrowsick, Rich^ mond, Nortii-Yarmouth, Maquoit, Falmouth, Purpooduck, Scar-» borough, SacOjJ Arundel. Keunebunk, Wells, York, Kitiery, and Berwick. § Unattended by the French, and kept in awe by the English ranging parties, the Indians undertook no winter campaign ; nor was any thing memorable achieved by our forces till spring, But there was still a strong and universal desire to make Rale, a pris-* oner, and have him brought to Boston alive. It is said " a thous^ and livres" were the high price set upon his head.|| To dis^ Mouiton's patch him therefore, or rather to take him, Captain Moulton led a i1jLe"Kaic? military party to Norridgevvock in the depth of winter. But the cautious Jesuit and the tribe had made a seasonable and safe retreat ; and all the trophies of the enterprise were only a few books and papers found in his own dwellingliouse ; among which, was a letter to him from the Governor of Canada, exhorting him to push on the Indians, with all imaginable zeal, against the Englisii." But Captain Moulton was no less a cool and discreet *Sa':ivAn, p. 2Z0. I 2 Hulch. Hist, p, 2*6,— Afler this, (lie enemy took captive a soldier JJei'wicIc, as he was carelessly wandering- from the g'urrison.*' — I Coll, a; fl. Hist. Soc. p. 102.^ PcnhciHow's Indian Wars. \ Both at the Falls and Scammon's fort, on the east side of the river, — ^ee ante, A. D. nU.—Biddtford. \ 11 Mass. Rec. p. 193. jl Rale's letter, 1724.— 8 Coll, Mags. Hit. Soc. p. 266-.7. Chap, iv.] OF Maine, 125 man, than a brave and popular officer ; and when he and his men A.D. 1724. left the place, he permitted no injury to be done, either to the chapel or any other building : imagining probably such an ex- ample of forbearance and moderation might be imitated by the ^emy. Early and special attention, as usual, was paid this spring, by Means T • r 1 Tt • f><lf>,'i'"(J for our government to the unhappy condition ot the eastern rrovin- t|,e .ecuniy ... - , , , of Maine, ces ; and in the present management ot the war, tnougli unsuc- cessful, the administration has been deservedly applauded. Sure- ly there was no want of vigilance. To prevent the Indians from fishing, fowling, and planting, an additional force of 30 men was sent to Kennebeck ; and to secure the inhabitants, more efFectualJy from the enemy's incursions, and administer equal justice and re- lief to all, it was ordered, that every freeholder, and his sons and servants, in the public service, belonging to Yorkshire, be dis- charged, and other able bodied and effective men substituted ; and that the militia of the county be exonerated from all further military duty, excepting in times of alarm. ^ This year, (1724,) the Indians shewed themselves upon ^^"1" loss(s ih:^ frontiers, and began to commit depredations in March ; and in )''-^'"- ihe course of the spring months, they either killed, carried into x^aptivity, or severely wounded, more than 30 people in Maine. Aimcks, Smith, a sergeant of the fort at Cape Porpoise, was killed on the 23d of that month; and on the 17th of April, William ^'"''i'"''^- Mitchell was shot at Black-point, as he was at work in the field, gcarbcro'. and two of his sons carried prisoners to Norridgewock. In Kennebunk harbor, a sloop was taken, and the whole crew Kennebunk. put to death. About the same time, three men, by the names of Felt, Wormwood, and Lewis, were killed at a saw-mill on the same river. At Berwick, in May, Mr. Thompson met with theReruick. same fate ; and one of his children was carried off, and another was scalped and left bleeding and gasping on the ground. But the sufferer being presently carried home, revived. One Stone was also scalped, near the same place, and his body badly man- gled ; yet he survived his wounds, and lived to old age. His life, however, was miserable, He lost the use of one hand ; — on his head he wore a silver caul ; nor was he ever able to walk ^yithout crutches. He was, besides, the subject of strong con-» * 11 Mass. Rec. p. 198. 126 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A- D. I72t. vulsion-fits.* When the savage scout had killed one other, and taken a captive, they left the place. Afterwards, we hear of homicides and depredations, committed by them in New-Hamp- shire, in Hatfield, and at other places on Connecticut river. Batiioritihe -^"^ memorable engagement of any hitherto since Jjeor"^^' the war, happened. May 1, at the St. George's river. It being an inviting morning, April 30, Capt. Josiah Winslow, command- er of the fort, selected IG of the ablest men belonging to the garrison, and in a couple of staunch whale-boats, proceeded down the river, and thence to the Green Islands in Penobscot bay, which at this season of ihe year, were frequented by the Indians for fowling. Though Winslow and his companions made no discovery, their movements were watched by the wary enemy; and orv there return, the next day, as they were ascending the river, they fell into a fatal ambush of the Indians, cowering under each of its banks. They permitted Winslow to pass, and then fired into the other boat, which was commanded by Harvey, a sergeant, and was nearer the shore. Harvey fell. A brisk dis- ^charge of musquetry w^as returned upon the assailants; when Winslow, observing the imminent exposure of his companions, though he was himself out of danger, hastened back to their assist- ance. In an instant, he found himself surrounded by 30 canoes, and threefold that number of armed savages ; who raised a hide- ous whoop, and fell upon the two boat crews with desperate fury. The skirmish was severe and bloody ; when Winslow and his men perceiving inevitable death to be the only alternative, re- solved to sell their lives at the dearest rate. They made a most determined and gallant defence ; and after nearly all of them were dead or mortally wounded, himself having his thigh fractured and being extremely exhausted, — his shattered bark was set to the shore. Here being waylaid, he fought a savage, band to Winslow hand, with the greatest personal courage, beat off the foe, and /lis'par'v'^ resting on his knee, shot one, ere they could dispatch him. kiJied. Xhus fell the intrepid Winslow and every one of his brave com- pany, except three friendly Indians, who were suffered to escape and communicate particulars to the garrison. The Tarraiines, who were rather a valiant, than a cruel people, composed the Indian party ; and their loss, though never known, is supposed ♦ Sullivan, p. 252. Chap, iv.] of Maine. 127 to have doubled ours. In this action, inconsiderable as were the A,D. 1724. numbers engaged, there was a remarkable display on both sides, of boldness and good conduct. The death of Captain Winslow was severely felt and lamented. He was a young officer of mil- itary talents and great worth ; a late graduate of Harvard Col- lege, and a descendant of one of the best families in the Prov- ince.* The Indians next appeared upon Arrowsick, and again beset T'fi''. fnp'ny the garrison, still commanded by Capt. Penhallovv. — Turning Ancwsick. away suddenly, they made three of the inhabitants prisoners, as they were driving cows to pasture ; nor did they leave the Isl- and, till they had killed a great number of cattle. At Purpoo- duck, May 27, a party killed one man and wounded another ; and f/^^.'^JJ; about the same time, David Hill, a friendly Indian, was shot at^'"^'*^- Saco. Afterwards the savages for a month or more, withdrew from Maine to New-Hampshire, and the frontiers lariher east- ward. Nevertheless, a party of twenty-five fell upon the garrison at Spurwink, July 17, and killed Solomon Jordan, at their first ;..iyi7. approach, as he w^as stepping out of the gate. This was a timely alarm. The next morning the enemy retreating, were pursued by Lieut. Bane from the fort, attended by about thirty men, and overtaken. A principal Indian was killed ; and the others in their flight dropped their packs, and blankets, and some other articles, which were brought away ; also the scalp of the dead Indian was taken, which commanded a bounty of £100 to the pursuers. So well prepared this year were most of the places assailed, The enemy < (^2(^ the to defend themselves, that the Indians were unable to take any eastern ves» considerable booty from the frontiers ; and therefore they rushed down upon the seacoast, and undertook to seize upon all the ves- sels they could find in the eastern harbors. New to them as this kind of enterprise was, they were in a few weeks in pos- session of twenty-two vessels, of various descriptions ; — two of which were shallops, taken at the Isles of Shoals ; eight were fishing vessels, found at Fox Island thorough-fare ; one was a * He was graduated in 1721. His great grandfather and grandfather, were Governors of Plymouth colony ; his father a member of the Prov- ince Council, and his younger bi other, General Winslow commanded the Provincial forces at Fort Edward, in 1757. — Eliot's Biog. article " Wins- lowy" p. 499-502. 128 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A D. 1724. large schooner, armed with two swivels, and the others were surprised and taken in different places. In these piratical seiz- Kiil22mcn. ures, they killed 22 men, and retained a still greater number prisoners."^ Generally these were the masters or skippers, and the best sailors ; whom they compelled to serve on board their prizes, or motley squadron. Assisted by the Mickmaks from Cape Sable, the savages became so bold and formidable, that * they were a terror to all vessels that sailed along the eastern * shores.' A?ain at- A part of the enemy's fleet proceeded up the river St. George, Iiilce ulc ^ once more fully determined to lay the fort in ashes. — To effect George's ^hclr purpose, the savage crews now filled a couple of their shal- lops with combustibles, which were set on fire and urged so near the block-house, that they would have communicated the flames^ had not individual exertion prevented. The enemy then offer- ed favorable terms, provided the garrison would surrender. But every lisp of the kind was promptly rejected ; and as they were utterly unable to take or destroy the fortification, either by force or stratagem, they retired without doing any considerable injury. The first adventurous vessels, which were fitted out to encoun- ter those of the enemy, were two from New-Hampshire, sever- ally carrying twenty men. They soon came up with one of lhen> — yet through fear or folly, they failed to engage the enemy and Ja"rkson I'^tumcd. Still bclIeving a small force sufficient to cope witb J.akt-man thcse raw and inexperienced sailors, Lieutenant-Governor Dum-' and oihcrs. ^ mer commissioned Doctor Jackson of Kittery, a brave man, and Sylvanus Lakeman of Ipswich, to go in quest of them. The former with a schooner and twenty men, and the latter with a shallop and sixteen, boldly came in contact with them, and had a short engagement, in which Jackson and several of his men were wounded, and his rigging badly blown to pieces by two large swivels and four petronels of the enemy, and his pursuit thence impeded. Recovering, he drove them into Penobscot, where they were assisted and covered by so large a body of natives^ that he was forced to retire. At last the lieutenant, master and * 2 Hulch. Hist. p. 278.— He says 45 men in all, 22 of whom they killed, and carried 23 into captivity. — PenhaUow^ [Indian Wars^ A. D. 1724,) says the enemy " made up a fleet of 50 canoes" — and proceeded to take the vessels engag^ed in the fisheries, — and found on the coast. ChaF. IV. J OF MAINE. 129 master's mate from the Seahorse man-of-vrar, then riding at an- a. d. 1724. chor on the Boston station, took command of three vessels, hav- ing severally on board about thirty men, and went in search The Indians the enemy's forces. But it was too late : — they had become abandon •' _ ^ _ ' ^ their ves- tired of maritime war, and had dispersed ; and not a particle of seis. intelligence concerning them could be obtained afterwards. Thus far, the events of the present war, which had now con- tinued two years, were so unpropitious to the English, that it \t supposed their losses of men greatly exceeded those of the ene- my. Lives or captives were the trophies of almost all their attacks ; and these were perpetually repeated. Garrisons and scouting parties, it was evident, could not protect the people, nor preserve the fishermen and coasters from injuries ; and therefore it was determined to enter upon more offensive war. Norridgewock, being still the residence of Rale, was immedi- Expedition ately marked for destruction. The execution of this enterprize wock"!"^^^" was committed to a detachment of 208 men, who were divided into four companies, and commanded by Captains Moulton, Har- man, Bourn, and Bane. They left Richmond fort, their place of rendezvous, on the 19th of August, and ascended the river in August 19. 17 whale-boats, attended by three Mohawks. The next day, they arrived at Teconnet, where they left their whale-boats, and a Lieutenant with a guard of 40 men. The residue of the forces, on the 21st, took up their march through the woods towards Nor- ridgewock. The same evening, they discovered three of the na- tives and fired upon them. The noted Bomaseen, one of them, was shot in the river, as he attempted to escape, his daughter was fatally wounded, and his wife taken prisoner. From her, they obtained a full account of Rale and the Indians at Norridgewock, which quickened their march. A little after noon, on the 22d, they came in sight of the village, August 22. when it was determined to divide the detachment. Capt. Har- ^pp*j.oach^' man led off about 60 men towards the mouth of Sandy river, ^^e village, imagining he saw smokes rising in that quarter, and supposing some of the Indians might be at their corn-fields. Capt. Moul- ton formed his men into three bands, nearly equal in numbers, and proceeded directly towards the village.* When near it, he * Where and how did Moulton's men cross the rirer ? — as the village was on the eastern side, opposite to the mouth of Sandy river.— It mig-ht have been forded by them, though no mention is made of such a fact Vol. IL 17 130 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. A. D. 1724 placed parties in ambush on the right and left, and led forward the residue to the attack, excepting ten men left to guard the bag- gage. He commanded his men to reserve their fire, till after that of the Indians ; and then boldly advanced with so quick a step and in such profound silence, that they were within pistol shot, before their approach was suspected. All the Indians were in their wigwams, when one happening to step out, looked round, and discovered the English close upon them. He instantly gave the war-whoop, and sprang in for his gun. The amazement and Theskir- consternation of the whole village was indiscriminate and terrible. The fighting men, about 60 in all, seized their guns and fired at the assailants ; but in their tremor, they overshot them, and not a man was hurt. A discharge was instantly returned, which did effectual, execution. The Indians fired a second volley, without breaking Moulton's ranks ; then flying to the water, fell upon the muzzles of the guns in ambush. Several instantly fell. Some undertook to wade or swim across the river, which at this season was only 60 feet wide, and in no place more than six feet deep. A few jumped into their canoes, but forgetting to take their pad- dles, were unable to escape ; — and all, especially the old men, women, and children, fled in every direction. Our soldiers shot About 200 them in their flight to the woods, also upon the water ; so that rsVapV^'*^^ not more than 50 of the whole village were supposed to have landed on the opposite side of the river ; while about 150 effected an escape too far into the thickets, to be overtaken. The pursuers then returned to the village, where they found the Jesuit in one of the wigwams, firing upon a few of our men, who had not followed the wretched fugitives. He had with him, in the wigwam, an English boy about 14 years of age, who had been a prisoner six months. " This boy he shot through the thigh, and afterwards stabbed him in the body"* — though he ulti- mately recovered. Moulton had given orders to spare the life of Rale ; but Jaques, a Lieutenant, finding he was firing from the wigwam and had wounded one of our men, stove open the door Rale kiliec'. ^nd shot him through the head. As an excuse for the act, Jaques alleged, that when he entered the wigwam, Rale was loading his gun, and declared he would neither give nor take quarter. Moul- * fJulchinson, (2 Hist. p. 282) snys tliis ;;ct ol cruelty is stoted by Har- inan, upon oath.— Cut stil! is doubted.— 8 Coll. Jla^s. IJid. 6'oc. 2d scriesy }i. 257. Chap, iv.] of maine. 131 ton disapproved of what was done; allowing, however, that Rale A. D. 1724. said something to provoke Jaques, yet doubting, if the statement made by him was literally correct. Mogg, an aged and noted chief, was shut up in another wig- Mogg kiil- wam, from which he fired and killed one of the three Mohawks. This so enraged his brother, that he broke through the door and shot the old Sagamore dead ; and the soldiers despatched his squaw and children. Near niffht, after the action was over and the village cleared of losses " ' ^ ^ ° of the In- Indians, Captain Harman and his party arrived ; and the compa- dians. nies, under a guard of 40 men, took up a lodgment in the wig- wams till the morning. When it was hght, they counted, as two authors state, " twenty-seven," and a third says, " thirty" dead bodies, including Rale ; among whom were those of Mogg, Job, Carabesett, Wissememet, and Bomaseen's son-in-law, all known and noted warriors. They also recovered three captives and took four prisoners ; and it was afterwards reported, that they wounded fourteen Indians, who escaped. The whole " number, killed and drowned, was supposed to be eighty, some say more. The plunder they brought away, consisted of the plate and furniture of the altar, a few guns, blankets, and kettles, and about three barrels of powder. After leaving the place, on their march to Teconnet, Christian, one of the Mohawks, either sent back or re- August 23. r 1 • r- Norridge- turnmg ot his own accord, set fire to the chapel and cottages, and week burnt, they were all burnt to ashes. An extract from the account eiven by Charlevoix,* who was . . . Charle- about that time resident in Canada, is subjoined with its embel- voix's ac- count. lishments. He says — ' the thickets which surrounded the village * were such, that the enemy were not discovered until the very ' instant, when they made a general discharge of their guns ; and * their shot had penetrated all the Indian wigwams. The noise * and tumult gave father Rale notice of the danger his converts ' were in. Not intimidated, he shewed himself to the enemy in * hopes to draw all their attention to himself, and secure his flock, * at the peril of his own life. He was not disappointed. As soon * as he appeared, the English set up a great shout, which was * followed by a shower of shot ; when he fell down dead near to * 4 Charlevoix^ Hist de la France J^euvelle, p. 120.— 2. [Paris Ed. 1744.) He says, some of the Indians escaped by swimming-, some by fording the river, and some fled to the woods : — 30 Indians were killed and 14 wounded. 132 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. A»D- 1724, ' a cross, which he had erected in the midst of the village, — sev- * en Indians, who sheltered his body with their own, falling around * him. Thus died this kind shepherd, giving his life for the sheep, * after a painful mission of thirty-seven years. Moved by the * greatest consternation at his death, the Indians fled. The En- * glish finding they had nobody left to resist them, fell first to * pillaging and then burning the wigwams. They spared the * church, so long as they thought proper to profane the image of the * adorable Saviour, and the sacred vessels, and then they set it on * fire. At length, they withdrew in so great precipitation, that it * was rather a flight ; and they seemed to be struck with a per- * feet panic. The Indians immediately returned to their village, * when they made it their first care to weep over the body of their * holy missionary ; whilst their women were looking for plants and * herbs to heal their wounded. They found him shot in a thous- ' and places, scalped, his skull broke to pieces with the blows of * the hatchets, his mouth and eyes full of mud, the bones of his *legs fractured, and all his members mangled in an hundred dif- * ferent ways. After his converts had raised up and oftentimes 'kissed the precious remains, so tenderly and so justly beloved by * them, they buried him in the same place, where he had the even- * ing before, celebrated the sacred mysteries, — namely, where the ' altar stood before the church was burnt.' Our forces On the 27th, the brave detachment arrived at Fort Richmond, return with- out loss. without the loss of a man. It was an exploit exceedmgly grati- fying to the community, and considered as brilliant as any other, in either of the Indian wars, since the fall of king Philip. Har- man, who was senior in command, proceeded to Boston with the scalps, and received in reward for the achievement, the commis- sion of Lieutenant-Colonel ; — an achievement in which Moulton had the principal agency, though he received no distinguishing recompense, except the universal applause ot his country. Supe- rior merit has been often shaded by superior rank, in much more oAhe Cani- important services. In this bloody event, the glory departed from broken.'* Celebrated Canibas tribe, to return never more.* * In the particularsof this expedition, there are among- authors some dis- crepancies.— Svllivun, p. 175, calls the senior officer " Hammond" — Har- nian is the name ; he represented York in the General Court, A. D. 1727. Belknap, (2 vol. Hist. .TV. //. p. 50,) supposes there were only two compa- nies, eacb_l 00 men ; But Hutchinson, (2 Hist. p. 279) says four companies, Chap, iv.] of maine. 133 To turn the Indians from the frontiers, which they continually A, D. 1724. mfested during; the autumnal months, Col. Westbrook was fur- y^^^}', o ' brook s ex- nished with a regiment of 300 fresh recruits, and was ordered pediiion. to range with them through the country from Kennebeck to Pe- nobscot, one of the principal places of the Indians' " rendez- vous for planting and fishing." But in this enterprize, owing to the unskilfulness of the guides, he was led into a labyrinth of difficulties ; being glad to return safely, though they had done nothing more than to explore a part of the country which before was little known. Equally fruitless was the visit to Penobscot of Capt. Heath and his company. The Indians were extremely shy and subtle ; and the government assigned 300 men, for the defence of Maine, through the winter. These were formed into The winter five companies ; one was posted at Berwick and its vicinity ; two were rangers ; and the others were directed either to scout or be stationary, as the exigency of circumstances might require. Receiving fresh and more ample information, that the Gov- Commis- emor of Canada was assisting the Indians, Massachusetts sent to Canada, to him three Commissioners, with instructions to protest against his conduct, and assure him if he did not immediately desist, his offence would be severely retaliated, upon the French in Aca- dia and other places. It was also given them in charge, to effect an exchange of prisoners. — The Governor affected to repel the accusation, till his letters to Rale were to his surprize shewn him ; and then he said the prisoners among the Indians were be- yond his control ; but those among the French should be restor- ed, upon paying the first cost." The price or ransom, enor- mous as it was, effected the release only of sixteen, and obtain- ed the promise of ten more.* When the Commissioners shewed him that the Indians had conveyed their lands to the Enghsh, and become British subjects ; he sent for the chiefs at St. Fran- cois to meet him at his own house. In this interview, the Sag- amores told the Commissioners, ' if the English would demolish ' all their forts, remove one mile westward of Saco river ; re- * build their church at Norridgewock, — and restore to them their and 208 men. He and Penhallow, [Indian wars, 1724,) suppose one of the Captain's name was " Bean," — whereas it is evidently " Bane and prob- ably Lewis Bane, a Representative of York in General Court, A. D. 1708 -17. One account says, Norridg-ewock was burnt Aug'ust 12th ; this must have been old style. * 11 Mass. B.ec. p. 31C. 134 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1724. < missionary father, — they would be brothers again.' These terms were too insolent to deserve a moment's consideration ; and they returned, attended to Crown Point, by a military guard, generously furnished by Vaudreuil himself.* Decemberi was about thIs time, and in the course of the subsequent fir?t excir! Spring, that the famous Capt. John Lovewellj and his com- panies of volunteers so highly distinguished themselves in three successive expeditions against the savage enemy. In his first excursion, undertaken in December, which was however, far less important than either of the others, he proceeded with thirty men to the north-eastward of Winnipiseogee pond, in New-Hamp- shire. Here his company killed and scalped a man, and carried an Indian boy to Boston ; and for both, they received the bounty promised by law, and likewise a liberal present. His second His popularity, his patriotic and military ardor and his suc- excursion. ^ ' . cess, now drew around him volunteers to the number of 70, who Feb. 24. readily joined him ; and in February, they marched off to the place he had lately visited. Here, through fear of short-pro- visions, 30 were dismissed by lot and returned home. The others, pursuing their march, discovered at night, near the mar- gin of Lovewell's pond, at the head of Salmon Fall river, on the New-Hampshire side of the line, ten Indians lying around a fire, fast asleep ; nine of whom they shot, and the tenth wound- His success, ed. In the attempt of this one to escape across the pond, he was seized by a faithful dog, and holden till he was dispatched. For the scalps taken from their heads, Lovewell and his com- panions received from the Provincial treasury, a bounty of iGl,000, and from the public, universal applause. April 13. In April, while he was preparing for a third excursion, there ■Cocliran's /. i • i i i • i exploit from wcrc a Icw occurrenccs, which must not be passed unnoticed. Aiaquoit. 'p^Q Indians took a soldier whose name was Cochran, at Ma- quoit, on the 13th of the month, and carried him two days into the woods. The first night they pinioned him, but in the next, left him loose. Rising softly when they were asleep, he knock- ed them both on the head, took their scalps and guns, and set out for the fort. In wading a river, he unfortunately lost one scalp and one gun. But when he arrived at the garrison, he told * The Cominissioners arrived at Alban}', May 2, 1725. I He belonged to Dunstable in Massachusetts. — Penhallow, HutchintoTty and Belknap, spell "JLiovewell" — others « Lovel." Chap, iv.] of Maine. 135 so good a story, that several returned with him and found the A.D. nzsi dead Indians as he left them. The exploit was afterwards re- warded hy his promotion. The next Monday, William and Matthew Scales, two most industrious and active men were slain near the fort at North -Yarmouth. Another party waylaid Lieut, mouthind' Prescott and others, as they were passing the highway at Cape- yigjjg^®' Porpoise, and by particular aim, wounded him in several places. Captain Lovewell, joined at Dunstable by forty-six volunteers^ ^p^j, ,g well supplied and armed, was prepared, April 15, for a third gx- ^,^p|^ pedition. In good spirits, they took up their march the next day, towards Ossipee ponds, and the upper branches of Saco river — ^ihe region and range of the remaining Sokokis tribe of Indians. The great bravery of these natives, and their antipa- thy to the English were characteristics, which were well known. Lovewell's Lieutenants, were Josiah Farwell. and Jonathan Robhins ; his ensigns, John Harwood and Seth Wyman ; his chaplain, Jonathan Frye ; and his chief pilot was Toby, an Indian. On their march, Toby fell sick and returned. A soldier becoming lame was dismissed though with reluctance, who was barely able to get home. Another was brought down by fatigue and illness, after travelling upwards of 100 miles, — when the Captain came to a The jour- halt on the westerly side of Great Ossipee pond, in New-Hamp- shire, ten miles from the west line of Maine. Here he built a small stockade fort^ principally for a place of retreat in case of A fort built any misfortune, and partly for the accommodation of the sick man left, who was now left, with the surgeon and some provisions, under a guard of eight wearied men. The number was thus redu- ced to thirty-four,"^ including the Captain ; who, resuming their 'I'hjrty-four march, shaped their course north-eastward till they came to the Lovewell's north-westerly margin of a pond, about 22 miles distant from the'^""^' fort — since called Lovewell's, otherwise Saco pond ; which is sit- uated in the south-easterly part of the present town of Fryeburg.f * Of these, 7 belong-ed to Dunstable ; 5 to Woburn ; 7 to Concord ; 7 to Groton ; 2 to Haverhill ; 2 to Billerica; and one to each of the towns of An- dover, Weston and Nutfield. — See their names in Jlr. Symms'' Hist, of the Battle, p. 10-11. — Mr. Frye or " Frie" was graduated at Harvard College, in 1723. t The extreme length of the pond, v/hich lies north-west and south-east, is short of two nriiles ; its mean width half a mile ; though its north-westerly end, which inclines to the north-east, is about 3-4ths of a mile wide. Peg- wacket, or the Indian village, was about two miles west of the pond, being 136 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A,D. 1726. They had passed by the bend of the Saco river, where it crosses the Ime between New-Hampshire and Maine, and turns north- eastward ; leaving the Indian Pegwacket village between one and two mWes north of them, and pursuing down on the north- erly side of Lovewell's or Mill brook, nearly to its mouth, and then in direct course to the western corner of the pond. Here, in the heart of the enemy's country, they encamped. They were alarmed during the night by noises around them, which they imagined were made by Indians ; and early on the 8th of Saturday, -May, while at their morning devotions, they heard the report of dilcover^^^ a gun, and discovered a single Indian standing on a point of land, Indian" ^" ^ ^^^^ distant, which runs into the easterly side of the pond. They suspected, that he was placed there to decoy them, and that the body of the enemy was probably in their front. A con- sultation being held, they determined to march forward, and by encompassing the head of the pond, to gain the place where the Indian stood. That they might be ready for action, they dis- encumbered themselves of their packs when they had travelled about half a mile, which they left without a guard at the north- erly end or corner of the pond, in a pitch-pine plain, where the trees were thin, and the brakes at that time of the year small. A stream, since called Battle Brook, which emptied into the pond at that place, was then too full of water to be forded near its mouth, and they crosed it above. They travelled in all nearly a mile from their packs, when they espied the Indian they had discovered at the point, returning towards the village. As he pass- ed, he did not see them, till he received their fire ; then instandy returning it, wounded Lovewell and another with a charge of situated several rods distant from the eastern bank of Saco river ; and as many west of the present academy and villag-e. Nature had given this place a delig-htful situation, and prospect. The Indians used to rang-e round from the village, through the northern ox-bow to Lovewell's pond, which at its eastern end is so near the Saco, as in freshets to receive its waters ; and to ascend the Saco to the same pond; — and then pass through the pond to its western corner — and thence over land, to their village. Hereabouts are several mounds of earth left by the natives of singular aspect. Whether they are ancient burying grounds, fortifications, or en- campments, cannot now be ascertained. The circumference of one of these banks is 60 feet ; and in its centre is another, in which a tree of considerable size formerly stood. There are four others, forming eight angles, and running from the centre one — all evidently the work of de- sign.— JKfS. letter and plan from Fryeburg. Chap, iv.] OF MAINE. 137 small shot. Ensign Wyman firing again killed him, and they A. D. 1725. took his scalp. Seeing no other enemy, they returned towards the place where they had left their knapsacks. But it happened, that Lovewell's march had crossed the carry- party of ' _ 50 Indiana ing place, between the pond and the village, through which two m an.bu&h, parties of Indians, consisting of about 63 men,* commanded by Paugus and Wahwa, were returning from an excursion down the Saco. Perceiving the new made track, they followed it, till they came to the packs, which they removed ; and counting them, found the number of Lovewell's men to be less than their own ; therefore they placed themselves in a well-chosen ambush, and awaited their return. It was about ten in the morning when they arrived back, and Lovewell's the moment they reached the spot, the Indians rose in front and rear, and ran, three or four deep, towards them with guns pre- sented, raising a horrid yell. — Lovewell and his companions re- ceived the shock with entire firmness, and facing the enemy, pre- sented their guns and rushed forward. When they had approach- ed within a few yards of each other, they fired on both sides — the Indians were shot in considerable numbers ; yet the most of our men escaped the first fire, and drove their foes several rods. Turning, they renewed the charge with great spirit and bravery ; and at one time some of the combatants, were within twice the length of each other's guns, — the Indians constantly raising hid- eous whoops, and the English frequent shouts and cheers. Three rounds were fired on each side ; in which Captain Lovewell and eight of his men were killed ; and Lieutenant Farwell and two others were wounded. Several more of the enemy fell, yet being superior in number, they endeavored to surround our men ; when, at the wofd given for a retreat, the English retired in great order, two or three rods to the pond. In this forlorn place, they were compelled to take their station. On their right was the mouth of Battle Brook ; on their left was a point of rocks, which extended into the water ; their front was partly sheltered by a few pine trees standing on a sandy beach, partly covered by a deep bog, and partly uncovered ; and the pond was in the rear. Here they maintained the fight upwards of eight hours, with he- * Penhallow says " seventy — Hutchinson and Symms say <■<■ eighty,^'' and Belknap says '•'■foTty-oney Vol. II. 18 138 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1725. roic resolution, against a much more numerous force ; being at frequent intervals severely engaged, in front and flank, and so completely in the power of the enemy, that had he made the best use of his advantage, the whole company must either have been killed, or obliged to surrender at discretion. Incidents of At onc time, a group of savages appeared by their strange ges- the battle, ^^j^^^ engaged in a powow : when Ensign Wyman, secretly approaching them, shot the chief actor and dispersed them. Some of the Indians holding up ropes or cords towards our men, ex- claimed, will you have quarter ? — ' Yes, said they, at the muz- zles of our guns.' They were determined to meet a speedy and honorable death, rather than expire in torture, or in a linger- ing captivity. Mr. Frye, the chaplain, who was a young man greatly beloved for his piety and excellence, fought with undaunt- ed courage, till the middle of the afternoon, when he received a wound which proved to be mortal, and fell ; yet was he after- wards heard in audible prayer several times, for the success and preservation of his surviving companions. As a few of them and of the Indians had some previous acquaintance, they bespoke each other several times during the engagement. John Cham- berlain, a soldier, and Paugus, a chief, both men of undaunted courage and large of stature, finding their guns too foul for proper use, accidentally stepped down, at the same moment, to wash them at the brink of the pond. Standing not far apart, they ex- changed a few defying words, while they without waste of time washed their guns ; — ^then the chief, as he forced down the bul- let, called out to his foe — " Quick me kill you now — " may be not," said Chamberlain, whose gun by priming itself, gave him an advantage, and he sent the warrior in an instant to his long home. The Indians This was One of the most desperate and hard-fought battles, retreat. ^hich the English ever had with the Indians. Several discharged their guns more than 20 times.* Retreat was impracticable, and surrender never mentioned. The brave men fought through the day, without respite or a morsel of sustenance. By an unremit- ting and well-directed fire, so long a time, the number of the sav- ages was manifestly thinned — as their whoops and halloes became fainter and fainter, till just before dark, when they quitted their advantageous ground ; carrying off their slain and wounded, yet ♦ Penballow says, '* between 20 and .30 times a piece." Chap, iv.] of Maine. 139 leaving the dead bodies of Lovewell and his men unscalped. The A. D. 172a. loss sustained by the Indians, has been estimated variously, and by some too high. Their killed and disabled, however, were fully equal in number, to the entire force of the English engaged in the action ; Messrs. Penhallow and Symms, two authentic wri- ters, representing the Indians to have lost in the battle of Peg- wacket, more than forty lives, possibly fifty."'^ The shattered company of Lovewell's Spartan companions, Losses of 11 • 1 • u • r I ui r j English. collecting together m the evenmg, so lar as they were able, lound there were ten already dead ; nine uninjured ; one missing ; and fourteen wounded, — five of whom afterwards died. It was inex- pressibly painful to leave any of their dying associates behind. But ensign Robbins and Jacob Usher could not be removed. Robbins desired them to lay his gun by him charged, that he might be able to kill one more, if the savage foe should return before his death. Solomon Kies, exhausted with fatigue and faint through loss of blood from three wounds, told his ensign in the heat of the battle, he was a dying man ; yet if possible, I will (said he) get to a place, where the Indians shall never be gratified with mangling my lifeless remains. Hence with diffi- culty, he crept to the pond, and rolled himself into a birchen ca- noe, providentially found there ; and while he lay unable to pad- dle, and almost senseless, his slender bark drifted towards the side of the pond nearest the stockaded fort, to which he at last attained. After the rising of the moon, the condition of the survivors, as they Survivors thought, rendered a longer delay imprudent, so much as to pay march'for^''^ the last sad tribute of respect to the dead 5 and therefore, twenty of them leaving the fatal spot, directed their march towards the fort. Eight were lame or full of anguish from their wounds ; and all of them having lost their knapsacks and provisions in the morning, and taken no refreshment as mentioned, were still with- out food, blankets, tents or the means of dressing a wound. When Farwell, the lieutenant, Frye, the chaplain, and two sol- diers, Davis and Jones, had travelled about a mile and a half, they sunk down, unable to go another step. They however en- couraged the others to proceed, in hopes of ultimate relief, possi- * Penhallow says also, « 40 were said to be killed, and 18 more died of their wounds." 140 TFIE HISTORY [VoL. II, AiD. 1725. bly from their return and help; and after reviving, travelled to^ gether at short stages several days. At length, Frye, reclining upon the ground, said to bis friends, 1 shall never rise more ; — • linger no longer for me ;-^should you by Divine favor ever ar^ rive home, tell my father, though 1 expect in a Jew hours to be in eternity, I fear not to die.^ Jones, there leaving them, proceeded down the river Saco to Biddeford, subsisting upon wild vegeta- bles, cranberries and the inner bark of trees ; being on his arri- val emaciated to a skeleton from the loss of blood, the want of food, and the putrefaction of his wounds. Farwell, who was de- servedly applauded in a high degree for his heroic conduct, being left on the tenth day by Davis, perished in the woods within a few miles of the fort ; Davis himself being the only one of the four, who reached it, Elias Barron, one of the wounded, was lost about Ossipee river, and nothing more heard of him. Their suf- '^^ ^^^'^ survivors, the night after they left the battle ground, fenngs. ^r^^ altogether too dreadful to admit of an adequate description. Deprived of strength, rest and guides, they felt that every step they took along the untrodden wilderness, was attended by the echoing whoops of savages, and the shadows of death. In the morning, they divided into three bands, through fear of making a track to be traced by their inveterate enemies ; and indeed, one party of them was pursued a considerable distance by three In- dians, who occasionally showed themselves. After travelling three or four days, a distance of twenty miles in direct course, f six-' (te7ortI t^^" arrived at the fort ; when, to their great disappointment, they found it deserted. It seemed, that in the beginning of the action, the man missing, whose name has not been thought worthy to be transmitted to posterity, quitted the field, and flee- ing thither, gave a frightful account of the battle, stating that Lovewell and most of his brave companions were killed, and the whole company defeated. Believing the story, they made the best of their way home. They left, however, a quantity of bread * He was the son of Capt. Jamos Frye of Andover. The death of this " amiable and promisinfr young; fjcntlcman," was the more lamented, be, cau&e he had with him tlie journal of theii- m.irch, which was lost, I As their march was circuitous, it is stated by one account, that the dis- tance wzis forty miles; but by Dr. Belknap, " about tiventy-two miles."— 2 Hist. JV. //. jK r)3. Chap. iv.J of Maine. 141 and pork, which gave seasonable relief, and renovated spirits, to A. D. the returning sufferers. From this place they endeavored to proceed homeward ; and a return of after enduring the most severe famine and hardships, they arrived one after another, at the outer settlements — where they met with every demonstration of joy. They were afterwards handsomely rewarded for their valor and sufferings ; and a generous provision was likewise made, for the widows and children of the slain.* Such were the particulars of * Lovewell's memorable fight,' or Decline of * the battle of Pegwacket which broke the heart and spirit of ques. the Sokokis natives. In a short time, they withdrew, and resided ° no more in those pleasant and ancient dwelling-places, till peace. After this event, the star of the tribe, pale and declining, gradu- ally settled in darkness. Their fate and the fall of Norridge- wock, struck the surviving warriors with terror ; and the broken Abenaques shivered on the brink of destruction. Col. Tyng and Capt. White, with attendants from Dunstable, Tiie bodies subsequently went to the spot; and having found the bodies of "[iJursTafrl twelve, buried them at the foot of an aged pine, and carved their buried."'""* names on the trees where the battle was fought. f At a short distance, they found three Indian graves which they opened ; one of the bodies being known, as that of their great warrior Paugus. It was perceived that the wounded savages had been removed ; tracks of blood being traced on the ground to a great distance. — The parties contended manfully, and won imperishable glory. Again and again has this place, so distinguished by departed valor, been visited by the stranger, eager to pay deserved tribute to the names of those, who have so richly added to our revenue of honor. It was understood, that several of the Indians could not repress chamber, their resentments at the losses they had sustained ; and especially young"pau. the son of Paugus, was determined at some future period to sate * Wyman was presented with a silver hiked sword, and a captain's com- mission; Lingfield was made an ensign; and the General Cowrt granted £1,500,— to be distributed among the bereaved w^idows and children. Pen/iaZ/oio.— Strange as it may seem, writers have observed, that a week before this engagement happened, it had been reported in Portsmouth at the distance of SO miles, with little variation from the truth.— 2 Belknap'' TV. H. p. 57. ^ t Bullets have been cut out of the trees within a few years. 142 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1725. his vengeance on Chamberlain for killing his father. By passing two or three days in the neighborhood, without any apparent bu- siness, he was suspected ; and Chamberlain had a hint of the probable design. Acquainted with the Indian character, he presently saw the snare, and therefore cut a spy-hole over his outer door, through which early on a subsequent morning, he dis- covered the Indian behind his wood-pile, with his gun aimed di- rectly at the door. — No more was heard of the savage ; — possi- bly the same old fusee sent both the father and the son to their long account. Chamberlain said he was never to be killed by an Indian. He told, that once when working at night in a saw- mill, he suddenly stooped, and an Indian fired over him without effect, though so near, that he in return broke the scull of the savage with a crow-bar.* A more vig- The events of this spring, and the unfavorable report of the cution of the Commissioners, lately returned from Canada,f prompted gov- '^^'^* ernment to a more vigorous prosecution of the war. J At the May session, the General Court resolved to replenish all the eas- tern garrisons with ammunition and provisions ; to offer volun- teers greater wages, — as means of ensuring a full and speedy en- listment ; to take into employ a larger number of friendly or chris- tian Indians ; and to send another expedition to Penobscot. As- sistance was also to be requested from the other New-England colonies ; and complaints spread before the king himself against the government of Canada, — on account of the succours and en- couragement afforded the Indians, and the unpardonable conduct of the French, in which they were allowed to purchase and treat English subjects, as slaves, even in times of national peace.§ ■Thoughts of The mission to Canada and the determinate spirit of the peo- ^ pie, were not without good and extensive effects. Both the French and the Indians looked upon the course they had taken, with deep concern. The Indian hostages, who had been de- tained at Boston during the war,|| were extremely impatient of restraint ; and one of them and a captive were allowed on their parole to visit their countrymen. After an absence of two months and upwards, they returned, and reported, that * the los- * Rev. Thomas Symiris' Hist, of the battle, p. 18. f Ante, A. D. 1724. I "This," said Lieut. Gov. Dummer, I hope with a Divine blessing-, will bring the enemy to submission and equitable terms." § 11 Mass. Rec. p. 324.-2 Belk. N. H. p. 64. || Ante, A. D. 1721. Chap, iv.] of Maine. 143 * ses the tribes met with, and the daily terror they were under, A. D. 1725. ' made their lives miserable ; — that they were generally disposed * to peace ; — and that Indians, lately met at Penobscot, had agreed * to propose a negotiation.' Promising to return in twenty-three days with a delegation of chiefs, they were permitted again to visit their brethren. Three unfortunate occurrences happening; at this juncture, had A village on almost extmguished every hope of immediate peace. It would fiestroycd, seem, that after Col. Westbrook and his party, had destroyed the principal Indian village at Penobscot, between two and three years since,* the French and natives had, with a diligence un- usual for them, established and built another, three leagues below, on the westerly bank of the same river. It was a pleasant, ele- vated and well chosen site,f a few rods from the water, and easily fortified by stockades. It was easier of access from the salt water than the former ; and was a league above the mouth of the Kenduskeag stream, which an enemy could ford with con- venience, only in times of drought. Hearing of this village, re- puted to consist of six or seven cottages which had cellars and chimnies, a chapel, and between 40 and 50 wigwams, Capt. Jo- seph Heath, commanding at fort Richmond, proceeded with his company in May, " from Kennebeck across the country to Pe- nobscot, fell upon the deserted village of about 50 Indian houses," and committed them to the flames. The Tarratines who were a wary people, probably had some intimation of the expedition, for the party saw none of the native inhabitants. J It was a bold enterprize ; but it being ascertained on their return to the garrison at St. George's river, that a conference had been proposed by the Indians the particulars were never made topics of any considerable remark. The village destroyed, situate on " Fort- Hill,^^ as the English have always called it, is supposed to have * Ante, A. D. 1723. ■j- It is in Bang-or. Being- so near the head of the tide and bend of the river, above which is quick water, it was a resting place and resort of the Indians before the village was built. The appearance of Indian cornfields in the vicinity were apparent, when the place was first visited by some of the oldest present s3ttLers. X See 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 286, § 11 Mass. Rec. p. 396-8. C^asiine the younger 144 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D; 1725. been the ancient JVe^cts.* It was never repaired; the Indians afterwards returning and reseating themselves at Old-town. ^ „^ The second occurrence, June 20th, reflected much dishonor June 20. ' ' A flag o( upon the English character. This was a violent assault by a truce at- ' ^ / tacked. scout from the garrison at St. Georges', upon a party of Indians under a flag of truce, bound to the fort. There was for a few minutes a smart combat between them, in which one of the scout was killed and another wounded. The best excuse which could be rendered or framed for this error, was the honest jeal- ousy, excited by repeated instances of savage treachery. Affray with Nor docs the third exhibit a better dress or appearance. As the story is told — Castine the younger was in a small bark, at anchor near Naskeag point, \_viz. the south-east point of Sedg- wick,] and had with him on board, an Indian boy, perhaps his own son, and an English lad, by the name of Samuel Trask, be- longing to Salem, whom he " had redeemed from the Indians." Though he was thoughtless of evil, the moment the crew of an approaching English sloop were near enough, they fired upon him, and obliged him and the boys to quit the bark, and flee into the woods for the safety of their lives. The master of the sloop, now changing his conduct, and hoisting a white flag, called unto him loudly to return ; offered him a safe-conduct in writing ; and declared, he only desired to have a free trade and intercourse with him. Yet shortly after he had ventured to go with the lads on board of the sloop, the master first threw him a bag of bis- cuit, and then took from him the young captive, exclaiming, — ■ your bark and all it contains are in fact lawful prize, and your- self might be made a prisoner ; — so you may now think yourself favored, to go without molestation or further loss. — This insult, which was duly felt, was presently aggravated by one of the crew, who after going with them ashore, suddenly seized the In- dian boy and held him fast. Castine, perceiving the clench to be violent and unprovoked, shot the sailor dead, and escaped with the boy into the woods.f The conduct of these mariners, was a great reproach to them, and in every respect, the height of im- * Sec ante, vol. 1, Chap. IS, p. 472-3; also ante, Jlarch, Ji, T). 1723. — Some remains of this village are still apparent. Neither i*CMAa//&w,. Belknap., nv.v Sullivan mentions Heath's expedition. ■\ rciihallovv's Indian War.— 1 Coll. N. II. Hist. Soc. p. 120. Chap, iv.] of malxe. 145 policy; for the Indians were now entertaining thoughts of peace, a.d, 1725. and Castine, who still possessed great influence among them, had more than once attested his magnanimity, by instances of friend- ship, and a forbearing spirit towards the English.'^ Although these events did indeed retard the second return of A ccr.ffr- filCG at *St. the Indian messengers to Boston, they at length arrived ; and George's John Stoddard, and John Wainwright, were appointed Commis- sioners to treat with the eastern Indians, and settle the prelimina- ries of peace. In about a week after their arrival at St. Georges' fort, July 2, they had a conference with a body of thirteen July 2. chiefs. The Commissioners first enquired — why the Indians heed made war upon the settlers'^ — 'Because,' said the Sagamores, ' you have taken our lands even so far as Cape-Newagen, where ' you have beaten two of our Indians to death.' — JVb, replied the Commissioners, we bought the lands, and have your fathers'' deeds, and can shew them. — If our men did kill yours, it was wrong ; yet why did you take the hatchet, and not, according to treaty, first tell our government ? — ' We now tell you,' added the chiefs, ' we are for peace, and we propose to call our young men *frora the war.' — So pacific a temper induced the appointment of a meeting in Boston, at the end of forty days, to settle and sign the articles of a treaty. In the mean time, the garrison at North-Yarmouth was furi- other mis- ously assailed, though without any fatal effect. Also two vessels i^^^ailsl being seized by the enemy at Damariscove, were committed to the flames, and the masters and crews, consisting of seven men and a boy, were carried to Sagadahock and barbarously beat to death. Fortunately, however, this was among the last efforts of the eastern Indians ; and closed the scene of blood for the pres- ent year. Early in November, four eminent Sagamores arrived at Bos- i\ov. lOo ton, in behalf of the eastern Indians * at Penobscot, Norridge- bassy"at'"^ ' wock, St. John's, Cape Sables, and other tribes within New- Boston. * England and Nova Scotia,' to negotiate a treaty with the gov- ernment of Massachusetts. In the discussion, which lasted more * After this we hear no more of Castine.— See an/e, A. D. 1726 ; also his character^ A. D. 1713, ante. He was in France in 1722 ; [4 Charlevoix's JV. F. p. 117 ;] and it is supposed he did not live very many years after his return. Vol. II. 19 1 46 THE HISTORY [VoL. 11. A.D. 1725. than a month,* the House proposed to open a trading house in the garrison at St. Georges', and immediately replenish it with articles necessary for the Indians to the amount of £700, in lieu of establishing an imaginary boundary line due west from Teconnet falls to Saco, so much insisted upon by the Sagamores. The delegates at last agreed to the substitute, provided the supplies were full and constant, and the trade fair and free. ofiheTreaty! ^ treaty was then concluded, in which the Indians engaged to abstain from all further hostilities ; to maintain a firm and invio- late friendship with the English, and never to combine against them. All captives on either side were to be set free without ransom and without delay ; and all the estates and possessions of the English in the eastern country were to be enjoyed by them unmolested ; — the Indians reserving to themselves the lands and liberties, not conveyed to the English nor possessed by them, together with " the privileges of fishing, hunting, and fowling, as formerly." The whole trade and intercourse between the par- ties were to be regulated by the government of Massachu- setts, and all wrongs sustained by either, were to be redressed in due course of law and justice. If any Indians, engaged in the late war, should refuse to accede to this treaty and ratify it, the chiefs from Penobscot pledged the faith of the tribe, that their young men should join the English, to bring the opposers into submission. The delegation, in behalf of the tribes named, then submitted to the English sovereign, in as full and ample a manner as their predecessors had done ; and agreed to ratify the treaty at Falmouth, in May ensuing. Signed, It was signed, December 15, 1725, by the four Sagamore Dec. 15. delegates ;f and has since been denominated " Dummer^s Trea- ty than which, none other ever made by the parties, has been more celebrated or lasting. These encouraging indications of a settled peace, induced the General Court to make provision without delay, for the establish- * The Indians insisted, that the English should abandon Fort Richmond and the block-house at St. George But the House utterly refused to leave either. — 12 Jlass. Rec. p. 88. f Their names were Saw^waaram, alias Loron ; Areius ; FrancoU Xa- vier ; and Me^anumha. Chap. iv.J of Maine. 1 47 ment of trading houses at forts Richmond and St. Georges' ; and a. d. 1726. to discharge in January, most of the troops from public service* J^^^^^^^*' The conference appointed at Falmouth, for ratifying the treaty, owing to postponement and a refusal to meet the Sagamores at Pemaquid, was not opened till July 30th : and even at that late day, the Lieutenant-Governors of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, and a delegate from the Nova Scotia government, — a great num- ber of Councillors and Representatives, — " a fine train of young gentlemen," — and a " good guard," had been in waiting at Fal- mouth nearly a fortnight. About forty chiefs of the Indians then appeared with Wenemovet, a Tarratine Sagamore, at their head ; who declared he had full power to act for the " Canibas [Nor- ridgewocks,] the Anasagunticooks, the St. Francois Indians, and the Wawenocks ; having received a letter and two belts of wam- pum, from Canada, as tokens of their wishes to be included in the treaty. Loron was their chief speaker, and the parleys were renewed daily, in which the chiefs discovered great shrewdness, wisdom and deliberation. On Saturday, they were reminded of the approaching Lord's day, when no business might be done. — Ay^ said Loron, to-morrow is our sabbath too — we keep that day. — On Monday, their request was earnest, that none of our vessels in harbor, nor taverns ashore, be permitted to sell their young men liquors : — to which, Mr. Dummer assured them, positive orders should be given to that effect. When all the paragraphs of the treaty were deliberately rehears- The ratifi-^ ed and interpreted to them, and the whole sufficiently discussed, treaty at it was ratified in the meeting-house,* August 6, sealed and signed by William Dummer, John Wentworth, Paul Mascerene, and several Provincial Councillors j and by Wenemovet, chief Sachem," and twenty-five others of his associates. f * AH was " concluded with a public dinner."— Smi/A.'* Jour. p. 14. t This treaty is entire in PenhaUow''s Indian Wars.— I Coll. JV. H. Hist. Soc. p. 123, 132 : and here his interesting " History of the wars of Psew- " Eng-land with the eastern Indians"— terminates. In the Secretary's office at Boston, the treaty itself may be seen with all the signatures, and the re- spective marks, or family figures of the Indians. Though it is represent- ed that all the chiefs or sachems present, were from Penobscot ; it is pre- sumed that Egeremet [or Agareemett,] one of the signers, was from PaS' •amaquoddy, or Machias ; and that Francois Xavier, another sig-ner, lired 148 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A.D. 1726. At the close of the interview, Lieut, Governor Dummer put terv^ew these enquiries Since the Abenaques are not represented, what measures will you take for the safety of our frontiers ? — Will you lay your commands on the other tribes to preserve the peace entire? and should any hostile acts be committed, will you resent such misdemeanors ? — Loron replied, ' your people must be care- * ful. We shall make all the Indians know of the peace. They * must keep it. Let any of the tribes rise against your people or ' ours, we shall make them set down by force. We understand ^ what we speak, and not one w^ord shall fail.' French lake The French took great umbrage at this treaty, and detdrmin- umbrage, g^j prevent its operations. Captives taken from the frontiers had been sold to them for trifles,— then large ransom demand- ed and paid, and plunder was made merchandize in Canada. In short, the French were the only gainers by these Indian wars ; and the Governor of Canada, availing himself of the first op- portunity, met ' the chiefs of the eastern Indians' from " nine castles"* or encampments, and told those who stood up in favor of the treaty, he would call away from their habitations all the missionaries ;-^they never should have any more presents from his royal master, nor any further assistance or protection from his Governor, But he made the others a present of 800 lbs. of powder, and said, he had orders from his master to furnish them v/ith what they needed to prosecute the war ; adding, that *' four parties had lately gone out against New-England." Conciudins^ '^'^^ ^^"'^^ ^^'^ policy wcrc soon manifest in different places. ou\?JlT "^^^^ Baptiste, his son, and three Indians, undertaking, in Au- gust, to seize a Plymouth fisherman, in a harbor of Nova-Scotia, were overcome, carried to Boston, tried for piracy, condemned, and executed. Two families were assaulted in October, at Ken- nebunk river, a mile below the present post road ; where Mrs. Baxter and her child were killed ; and John Durrell and several other persons were carried into captivity. Philip Durrell and his son went into the field, about two hours before sunset, leaving at home a family of four persons. Returning at twilight, he found at St. John's. For the three Etechemia tribes, viz. the Tarratines, the Openan^os and the Marechites, always acted jn concer{. — See ante, chap, 19, vol. I. * See Rev. Dr. B. Colinan's Letter.— 6 Coll. Jluis. Hist. Soc. p. 112. Chap. IV.] of Maine. 149 they were all gone, his house rifled and on fire.* It was after- a. d. i72G. wards ascertained, these outrages were committed by savages from St. Francois, and Becancourt, who were uniformly under the influence of the Canadian Governor. In the frequent correspondence, which Mr. Dummer was hold- [ sa^-a- ing with the eastern Sagamores, they gave him the fullest assur- moS^ihe"" ances of their determination to preserve and perpetuate the peace. P^^^e. — Ahanquid wrote — that seven Indians had visited his tribe, to Ahanquid move them to renew the war, hut, said he, we have refused. Egereraet told Capt. Heath, that when the chief men of his tribe Egeremet. returned from hunting, he would find out what Indians had been guilty of the late wicked actions. — Wenunganet wrote thus from net!" ""^ St. George to Mr. Dummer : — "We look upon such Indians as much our enemies as yours, and think ourselves as much in *' danger from them as any of your people do. We are resolved " to have satisfaction, for the wrons; done." — Morcus, the chief.. Sagamore at Kennebeck, told Capt. Giles, he had sent by Cana- vas to the Anasagunticooks and those tribes — not to hurt the En- glish, for he had received from them great kindness. Yes, said he, and Ivnll stand by the peace so long as God gives me breath. — Loron wrote to Mr. Dummer ; — ' Never let the trading houses Loron. * deal in much rum. It wastes the health of our young men. It ^ unfits them to attend prayers. It makes them carry ill both to ' your people and their own brethren. This is the mind of our * chief men. I salute you, great Governor, and am your good ' friend.' — Wivurna, another Sachem, who had been a brave and Wivurna's ' _ ' letter, Oct, bloody warrior, possessed a soul alive to true honor and great- ness ; being himself softened and charmed by a spirit of firmness and justice witnessed in Mr. Dummer. His letter to the Lieut. Governor, October 16th, is, for its good sense and peculiar Indian style, worthy to be transcribed. — Brother — " I am fully satisfied ; " for all the blood, that before lay boiling in my breast, is flow- " ed away. Now I much labor for peace in our land. Should *' any windy clouds arise, I would make haste to inform you, — " that they might do us no harm. In three things you make my *• heart glad. My grandson, that was dead, is alive and returned to me safe. Canavas, that was taken, comes home well ; — he " is encouraged to do good service. Your kindness to me and * Doctor Coleman's ]etteT.— Sullivan, p. 230. 150 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1726. " my people, I am thankful for. I am now old and gray-headed ; " — 1 have seen many good gentlemen, English, French, and In- " dians, — and many of them are dead. But of all, I have not " found like Governor Dummer, for steadfastness and justice. If I " were a Sagamore and young, the first thing I did, should be to " see you. But as 1 am old and not able to travel, I heartily salute " you, my good friend. Farewell. Wivurna." The Indians The Commencement of winter closed the hostile movements of .losses. the Indians. Their courage, their humanity, and their other military virtues, had not appeared in either of the wars to better advantage. Their hardships and sufferings had been great and numerous. It is true there are many instances in which they had acquired to themselves glory, yet it is certain, the fortune of war, especially in the sequel, had greatly turned against them. Two villages on the Penobscot had been laid in ashes ; the fate of Norridgewock and Pegwacket was memorable ; and a cotem- porary writer of reputation, Mr. Penhallow, in his review of the four Abenaques tribes, supposes, " that one third of them had been destroyed in this war." They made no figure, nor took much part in the treaty ; — ^the Etechemin tribes, especially the Tarratines taking the lead, and assuming a paramount control. In maintaining the war, the principal pecuniary disbursements The colony made by the Province of Massachusetts bay. New-Hamp- Ahe war. ^^^^^ Contributed according to her ability ; though the de- mands upon her were not so frequent and great ; nor did she suf- fer so much, as in former wars. This was owing partly to the more extended frontiers of Massachusetts and Maine ; and partly to the more successful stand everywhere made against the com- mon enemy. The whole charge of the war, according to Mr. Penhallow, has been estimated to exceed £170,000; besides watches and wards, the erection and repairs of garrisons and block-houses, which in the aggregate have been computed at £75,000. A disproportion of the latter sum was evidently borne by the people of Maine. In surveying the forts, the towns and the settlements, which had 6uccesses« been able generally to defend themselves ; and the brilliant suc- cesses which attended the return of our military men from the field, we may well congratulate the heroic enterprize of the people and anticipate a lasting peace. Our militia was at this period Chap. IV.] of Maine. 161 completely trained for active service ; every man of forty, having A. D. 1726. seen more than twenty years of war. They had been familiar with firearms from their boyhood; and a great proportion of them were practical marksmen, and skilful hunters. They were extensively acquainted with the warfare and the lurking places of the savages ; and they imbibed from early life a strong antip- athy towards them, which was strengthened by their multiplied acts of bloodshed and cruelty. The whole number in Maine, of those killed, mortally wounded, and carried into captivity in the course of the war, including inhab- Losses, itants, soldiers, and seamen, is supposed to have been about 200 ; though an accurate enumeration cannot be made. About a third part of them were at different times made prisoners ; and many were carried to Canada and sold to the French. By the terms of the treaty, they were to be released without ransom ; yet some died, and others found the period long, before they were permit- ted or enabled to return. 152 THE HISTORY [Vol. II. CHAPTER V. Dummer's administration — Three truck-houses — Indian trade — Recovery of cajptives-^An Earthquake — Committee of claims — Nev) tier of towns proposed — York and Falmouth — Education — Brunswick resettled — Gov. Burnet arrives — Salary question rc- vived^Eastern Councillors — Governor's death — State of the eastern country — Sagadahock — Its revolutions — David Dunbar -^Surveyor general of the woods — His order for possession of Sagadahock — Repairs the fort at Pemaquid, and calls it Port Frederick — Surveys three townships — His other measures — Gov. Belcher arrives — His policy, and the grants to him — Dunbar's arbitrary acts — Complaints and report against him — Bounda- ries between New-Hampshire and Maine. — Treaty with the In- dians confirmed — Governor' s vieiv of the eastern country — Dun- bar's removal ordered — Jurisdiction of Sagadahock territory re- sumed by Massachusetts — Dunbar's employment and residence — Returns to England — Resigns the surveyorship of the royal woods— Goes to St. Helena. A. D. 1725. At the close of the war, it was apparent, that the settlement Summer's and prosperity of the eastern country, must depend essentially fion.'"'^''^^' upon a perpetuation of peace with the Indians. Mr. Dummer,- the Lieutenant-Governor, whose discreet management had ac- quired their confidence, was endeavoring to secure their friend- ship and favor, by consulting their wishes, and holding a friendly correspondence with their principal Sagamores. He has been applauded by Douglass,* as an able man, and a wise and watch- ful magistrate. His administration, after the departure of Gov. Shute, was, in general, acceptable to the people ; the General Court made him liberal grants for his official services, and very seldom shewed an aversion to his measures. Two acts, while he was in the chair, are worthy to be mentioned. One was a statute passed, in 1724, to prevent expenses at funerals; — ^the * 1 Doxis;. Summ. p. 479. — Dummer's "good inanag-ement in the Indian "war, will perpetuate his memory with all true lovers of New-England Chap, r.] of MAINE. 153 other was the executive sanction he g,ave, the next year, to an A. D. i726. application made to the Legislature for an ecclesiastical Synod.* It was opposed by the episcopalians, and severely censured by the English ministry ; hence the proposition was never after re- vived < As soon as peace was settled, the establishment of eastern Track truck or trading houses, for the accommodation of the natives^ received the early attention of the Lieutenant-Governor and the Legislature. These were contemplated by the treaty, and might be the means, if judiciously managed, of confirming the peace^ They would be places to which the Indian hunters and their fam^ ilies would frequently resort ; and a free intercourse with them being opened, the temper and movements of the tribes might be at any time ascertained. If commodities^ such as they needed^ were furnished, of a good quality, and offered at fair prices, in a barter for their furs and peltry, their confidence might evident- ly be secured, and an intimacy contracted ; by means of which, connected with presents, courteous language, and kind treatment, their malevolence and jealousies would be abated, if not en- tirely subdued. The experiment was tried. Two trading houses were imme- Estabiishetl diately established, one at Fort St. George, and one at Fort Rich- mond^^st. mond ; and in a couple of years, a third was established at fort ^,JfJfa^c^, Mary, near Winter-harbor, where it was continued for seven years.f The keepers of these houses, called " truck-masters," ■* 2 Hutch, /fisi. p. 291-2. — Synods had been frequent under tlie first charier.'^ t Capt, James Woodsidc was the first truck-master, and superintendent df Fort Mary, and the trading house af Saco. But as it had fallen into decay, the General Court, 1727-8, ordered it renewed 8 or 9 miles above the old stone fort, on the west side of Saco rirer, and a building-, 55 by 27 feet, and 9 feet posts, to be erected of square pine timber, 9 inches thick, tog-ether with a store-house for safely keeping the goods. The spot se- lected was 100 rods below union Falls in the present town of Hollis. A sergeant, with a guard of ten men, was stationed there for the protection of trade ; the treasurer of the Province was directed to supply it with goods to the amount of £800 ; and Capt. Thomas Smith of Boston, father of the minister at Falmouth, was appointed truck-master, as early as 1737, With an annual salary of £l20. A Chaplain was also appointed, who prob- ably visited other trading houses, and preached to the settlers. — Folsomy p. 223. Vol. JI. 20 154 THE HISTORY [VoL. II. A. D. 1726. were annually chosen by the General Court,* — special regard being had in the selection, to men of the greatest probity, pa- tience and discretion ; whose characters and manners were like- wise acceptable to the natives. The situation was in a few years, so desirable, that it was sought by men of distinguished reputa- tion and influence. Articles, principally necessaries, with a few gewgaws, were, to the amount of £1,000 or £1,600, purchased every year in Boston, at wholesale prices, and transported to each trading house in proportions, correspondent to the several The trade, demands. These, the truck-masters were instructed to sell, at an advance upon the prime cost, sufficient only to cover the freight and waste. Nay, sometimes in the retail of molasses, su- gar, rum, corn, meal, bread and tobacco, the government allowed them ten per cent, for waste, and sustained a loss in the articles, whenever they fell at the trading houses, below the price of pur- chase. A full value was paid the Indians for their furs and skins ; presents were frequently made them ; and when they were employed to obtain information, carry intelligence, or do other service, they were liberally rewarded. In the absence of the sanups, or husbands, — whole families were sometimes kept from starving ; and the truck-masters were authorized by advice of the commanding officers at the forts, occasionally to entertain and treat the Indians in the name of the government and at the public charge. f There«'uia Upon the whole, however, the trade was a tax upon the Pro- tions. vince ; the advance upon the furs purchased, being altogether in- adequate to the gratuities, the stipends to the truck-masters, and the expenses of maintaining a small garrison at each trading house. Still the loss was cheerfully borne, when it was found that the good effects of the establishments were fully equal to anticipation. The tranquillity of the Indians became settled. Finding they could purchase commodities there, better and cheaper than in Canada, they were satisfied ; and hence those of the Abenaques * At St. Georges, — those in succession, were Thomas Smithy John J^oyesy Jahez Bradbury. At fort Richmond, Joseph Heathy Edward Shove^ John Oullon- At Saco fort, Thomas Smith, and Ammi R. Cutter. f 12 »Mass. Rec. p. 88-197-512. — Note.— Jeremiad Allen, Esq. of Bos- ton, was treasurer of the Indian truck-trade ; and in one year between May, 1731, and 1732, balance in his hands due g-overnment, was j^l 1,953^ 2s. 9d. ; the next year, £lO,556, 8*. 9J.--4 J\lass. Rec. p. 473. Chap, v.] of Maine. 155 tribes that remained, presently returned to the former places ofA,D. 1726. their abode ; being in this way drawn from the neighborhood of the French, and rendered less liable to their instigations. In reg- ulating the soldiery at these